Abstract
Chapter 5 focuses on dative arguments that are introduced by Appl(icative) heads; such arguments have played a major role in the theory of argument structure in recent years, and they are a robust aspect of Icelandic syntax. Sect. 5.1 provides an overview of different kinds of applicative structures, and argues that Icelandic does not have so-called “high applicatives,” but does have “low” and “high-low” applicatives. Sect. 5.2 turns to the analysis of valency reduction in ApplP structures. It starts by studying structures closer to those studied in Chap. 3, where the external argument is prevented from merging, forming “anticausatives” of ditransitives. Here, an important morphosyntactic property of Appl is revealed: while the dative case of direct objects is systematically lost (as shown in Chap. 3), the dative case of arguments introduced by Appl is retained. This, it is proposed, underlies a somewhat surprising gap in the overall set of structures: while -st can merge in SpecVoiceP, and SpecpP, it generally cannot merge in SpecApplP. Given the analysis in Chap. 4, we know exactly what the empirical situation would look like if -stcould merge in SpecApplP, and that is simply not what we find.
However, given the analysis in Chaps. 3 and 4, there is another possibility we would expect: that Appl may introduce a semantic role but no syntactic specifier. It is argued that so-called “ingestive” verbs like ‘learn’ have exactly the properties we would expect of such a structure. The chapter closes in section 5.3 with an analysis of dative-nominative psych-verbs, and proposes that they instantiate a distinct interpretive option for the syntactic structure structure that derived anticausative ditransitives in section 5.2.
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Notes
- 1.
However, if ergative case is, in some languages, a case assigned by Voice to its specifier (cf. Legate 2008), then this might not be a qualitative difference between the two heads. Still, individual languages exploit case to distinguish between arguments introduced by Appl and Voice.
- 2.
- 3.
Icelandic (9b) is not the structural equivalent of German (9a), but suffice it to say that no sentence similar to (9a) in the relevant respects is possible in Icelandic.
- 4.
- 5.
I thank a reviewer for providing (13a–b) and their judgments. According to Marcel Pitteroff (p.c.), (13b) is acceptable if the dative is understood as the possessor of the bag, but is degraded if the accusative contains an overt DP-internal possessor, or if it is indefinite.
- 6.
This decision is based in part on his analysis of a restriction on unintentional causers in German, where the unintentional causer reading disappears if an anticausative is marked with a reflexive, and in part on the assumption that Appl might disrupt the relation between Voice and v.
- 7.
Researchers differ in what they take the categorial nature of Appl to be. Harley (1995) proposes that low Appl is a kind of preposition (similar to Pesetsky 1995); Legate (2002) proposes that a low Appl is prepositional while a high Appl is verbal; Johnson (1991) proposes that low Appl (or rather abstract HAVEP) is a kind of DP. In the present book, these issues do not make a major difference, but there are reasons to assume that at least argument introducers like high Appl and Voice have important properties in common with certain prepositions, as proposed in Wood (2013).
- 8.
Example (42b) taken from http://vu2043.ispcp-01.zebra.is/gamli/frettir.php?id_teg=13&cmd=eldri&start=2009-10-01.
- 9.
Eiríkur Rögnvaldsson (p.c.) tells me that he actually does not find (43b) possible, but does allow an analogous alternation with hefna(st) ‘avenge’. The conclusion is the same, however: the dative argument of hefna(st) ‘avenge’ behaves just like the dative argument of hegna(st) ‘punish’, in the relevant respects, and cannot, for example, correspond to the á PP of the nominalization hefnd ‘vengeance’ (*Endurtekin hefnd þeirra á Ingólfi stóð yfir í marga daga ‘*Their repeated vengeance of Ingólfur lasted for many days’).
- 10.
According to Halldór Sigurðsson (p.c.), (57a) is a bit odd because it sounds tautological. I have no explanation for the oddness of (57b), but for present purposes the contrast between (57a–b) on the one hand and (58a–b) on the other will suffice.
- 11.
Example (82) taken from http://goo.gl/MLBHJ1.
- 12.
Stephen Anderson (p.c.) asks how the sentences in (79) can be claimed to be related to each other, given that the lexical root seems to mean something different in each sentence. Recall that what we are dealing with is the same root in two distinct structures, so its lexical contribution will interact with the meanings of those structures. Here it is relevant that svelgja does not just mean ‘swallow’ (which is the translation given in Anderson 1990), but ‘gulp’. That is, svelgja implies a series of punctual, fast gulping gestures while swallowing. (The more neutral word for ‘swallow’ is kyngja.) It is not much of a stretch to imagine that a non-agentive gulping experience would be construed as choking.
- 13.
According to Jóhannes Gísli Jónsson (p.c.), the drekkjast in (82) would not be possible with a DP object.
- 14.
In Icelandic, sjá ‘see’ can be agentive with a meaning similar to English look.
- 15.
The decomposition of sárna ‘hurt’ and batna ‘improve’ into root+-\(na\) is morphologically clear, since \(\sqrt{\mathrm{S}\scriptstyle {\acute{\mathrm{A}}\mathrm{R}}}\) independently occurs (in words like ‘wound’), and \(\sqrt{\textsc {bat}}\) alternates in a related construction with b æ ta/batna ‘improve’ (see (21) in Sect. 3.3.2). There may be some reluctance in accepting that this is the same -\(na\), since the intuition is that the semantics are different when a dative is present. Nevertheless, the analysis of -\(na\) presented in this book is that it is the realization of \({\text {Voice}_{\{\}}}\) in an inchoative structure, but it, by itself, is not contributing any lexical semantics.
- 16.
For some verbs, the nominative of the structure in (95) can raise to become the subject (see Barðdal 1999, 2001b; Platzack 1999; Wood and H.Á. Sigurðsson 2014). Many object experiencers are nom-acc, though some are nom-dat (see Maling 2002a, b; Jónsson 2003 for discussion). I assume that these have different underlying structures from (95), but I must set their analysis aside for now.
- 17.
This denotation has been simplified for presentational purposes. The full denotation from (Bosse and Bruening (2011), p.75) would be as in (i):
This difference involves an additional universal quantification over the source event, and the colon represents semantic meaning projected on a different ‘tier’ from the assertion ‘tier’. These issues are not directly relevant here, since the point is to show how the experiencer denotation of Appl can force the general type-shifting of the DP to be interpreted as an event or state. The denotation in (i) would work equally well for present purposes, but involves details not necessary here, so I stick to the simplified version in the text.
- 18.
However, blöskra ‘outrage’ and ofbjóða ‘shock’ differ from sárna ‘hurt’ and gremjast ‘anger’ in that the latter verbs allow a human argument to be expressed in a PP headed by við ‘with/at’ (much like líka ‘like’ below), whereas blöskra ‘outrage’ and ofbjóða ‘shock’ do not allow this.
- 19.
Note that the transitive use of virða(st) ‘seem’ illustrated in (104) involves a PP fyrir sér ‘before oneself’ which conditions the overall meaning of the verb phrase.
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Wood, J. (2015). Applicatives and Applied Datives. In: Icelandic Morphosyntax and Argument Structure. Studies in Natural Language and Linguistic Theory, vol 90. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-09138-9_5
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