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A Cross-Linguistic Study on Information Backgrounding and Presupposition Projection

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Part of the book series: Studies in Theoretical Psycholinguistics ((SITP,volume 45))

Abstract

This chapter builds on previous work on the diversity of English presupposition triggers with respect to their projection behavior in an experimental setting (Amaral et al., Proceedings of ESSLLI 2011 Workshop on Projective Content, pp. 1–7, 2011; Cummins et al., Humana Mente 23:1–15, 2012, Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung 17, pp. 201–218, 2013). Using the same methodology and similar materials, but in Spanish, we investigate the empirical validity of the distinction between two classes of presupposition triggers posited in the theoretical literature, namely that between lexical and resolution triggers (Zeevat, Journal of Semantics 9:379–412, 1992). The results of this study replicate our previous findings with English data. First, native speakers exhibit the same tendencies with respect to the addressability of foregrounded vs backgrounded content in coherent question-answer pairs. Second, the results point to native speakers’ sensitivity to the distinction between lexical and resolution triggers, while further suggesting that distinctions within classes of triggers should be understood as gradient rather than categorical.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    For some native speakers of Spanish, the sentence becomes more acceptable if a pitch accent is placed on también. In such a case, we would be dealing with metalinguistic negation, the second clause providing the explanation for the infelicitous use of también.

  2. 2.

    We suspect that the low ratings obtained in the tampoco dialogues in all conditions have to do with two facts. First, the template of answers beginning with “Yes”/“No” that were used in our materials is rather artificial for questions including tampoco. Second, our constructed dialogues provided limited contextual background (they consisted of short question-answer pairs). It has been shown that tampoco is associated with complex discourse pragmatic licensing constraints (see Schwenter and Zulaica-Hernández, 2003). In our study, we limited ourselves to brief question-answer pairs with virtually no contextual information for practical reasons of experimental design and in order to keep the task constant across critical items.

References

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Correspondence to Patrícia Amaral .

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Amaral, P., Cummins, C. (2015). A Cross-Linguistic Study on Information Backgrounding and Presupposition Projection. In: Schwarz, F. (eds) Experimental Perspectives on Presuppositions. Studies in Theoretical Psycholinguistics, vol 45. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-07980-6_7

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