Abstract
In the first part of Spiritual Empires, we traced the diffusion of cosmopolitan spiritual affinities across Europe and India among innovative religious factions during the long fin-de-siècle. Their doctrinal congruity became manifest in their anti-materialism—the degradation of human spirituality—their generation of a historiographical model based on spiritual science and evolution, and their tenet of universal spirituality, which was purportedly attainable by all who exhibited worthy merit-based karma. Yet, as reviewed in the second part of this monograph, these factions consistently extrapolated their spiritual precepts to the social, cultural, and political spheres in each of their domestic settings. Their common spiritual taxonomy became articulated and applied idiosyncratically in each domestic social and political locality; their common cosmopolitan spiritual tenets evolved into unique assertions in each domestic location, which were linked to national and even imperial designs. Congruous religious precepts among these factions became articulated in a worldview that foresaw the generation of a new world order, in which a “-centric” spiritual empire would be led by a class of meritorious religious pundits, who were divinely ordained. They championed inventive spiritual empires that proclaimed the cultural ascendancy of each civilization—Anglocentric, Francocentric, Germanocentric, and Indocentric—intended to fulfill a sacred social and political blueprint for the world.
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Notes
- 1.
Jinarajadasa, First Principles, 205.
- 2.
Ibid.
- 3.
Ibid., 206.
- 4.
Ibid.
- 5.
Ibid., 222.
- 6.
Ibid., 221 (capitalization in original).
- 7.
Ibid.
- 8.
Ibid., 211 (capitalization in original).
- 9.
This has been a hotly debated topic, particularly since Richard Rorty’s “Religion as Conversation-stopper,” in Common Knowledge 3.1 (1994): 1–6, which he wrote in response to Stephen L. Carter’s The Culture of Disbelief: How American Law and Politics Trivialize Religious Devotion (New York: Basic Books, 1993). For the continuation of this important debate, see Nicholas Wolterstorff, “Why We Should Reject What Liberalism Tells Us About Speaking and Acting for Religious Reasons,” in Religion and Contemporary Liberalism, ed. P. J. Weithman (South Bend, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1997): 162–181, and Rorty’s response, “Religion in the Public Square: A Reconsideration,” in The Journal of Religious Ethics 31.1 (Spring, 2003): 141–49; also Jeffrey Stout, “Rorty on Religion and Politics,” in The Philosophy of Richard Rorty, eds. R. E. Auxier and L. E. Hahn (Chicago: Open Court, 2010), 523–545, and Neil Gascoigne, Rorty , Liberal Democracy, and Religious Certainy (Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Pivot, 2019), especially chapter 2, “Rorty, Religion, and the Public Square,” 15–31.
- 10.
Wolterstorff, “Why We Should Reject What Liberalism Tells Us,” 178.
- 11.
Rorty, “Religion in the Public Square,” 142.
- 12.
On the systemic atrocities and both horrific and heroic missionary work in the Belgian Congo, see the aforementioned Adam Hochschild, King Leopold’s Ghost.
- 13.
Stout, “Rorty on Religion and Politics,” 538.
- 14.
Lincoln, Bruce, Holy Terrors. Thinking About Religion After September 11 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003), 16.
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Myers, P. (2021). Epilogue. In: Spiritual Empires in Europe and India. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81003-0_10
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