Abstract
This chapter deals with five parties founded by rich businessmen who invested heavily in their projects and attempted to create solid organisational bases. Berlusconi’s Forza Italia, Babiš’s ANO and Uspaskich’s Labour Party rank among the most successful projects according to electoral results and repeated participation in governments. They combined anti-establishment and managerial-competency appeals, and created transparent organisations, centralised under their founding fathers and with important roles for marketing and electoral professionals. Mechanisms for ensuring loyalty created disciplined and cohesive parties. The two failing projects suffered from the peculiar leaders’ decisions about their own roles. Bárta’s Public Affairs, which succeeded with direct democracy appeals, later suffered from the leader’s non-transparent position, unclear intraparty mechanisms and problematic relations within government. The provocative style of the leader of Palikot’s Movement attracted voters. The targeting of this style into his parliamentary party led to its early disintegration. Neglected and weak grassroots organisations could not serve as an emergency brake when problems emerged.
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Notes
- 1.
Some parts of this chapter are based on an earlier paper of ours on Public Affairs and ANO: Hloušek and Kopeček (2017b).
- 2.
Although VV was linked with a publisher, which issued a magazine that bore the same name as the party and was distributed free of charge, the impact of the periodical was small.
- 3.
The surprising ruling by the Constitutional Court described the one-off constitutional act, adopted by parliament to shorten the electoral term of the Chamber of Deputies, as contravening the constitution.
- 4.
A few months later, a superior court annulled the verdict, but this did not have any further political impact.
- 5.
District-level organisations were never created.
- 6.
In the past, PSB worked for such figures as Michael Bloomberg, the mayor of New York City, Tony Blair and Bill Clinton.
- 7.
Nonetheless, the party remained formally inscribed in the register of political parties and movements as ANO 2011.
- 8.
The formalisation of the processes in ANO was not concerned with selecting its ministers, where Babiš continued to adhere to the informal practice first used in creating the government after the 2013 elections. He himself chose the personnel in question, discussed the matter with a few of his closest collaborators and conducted ad hoc consultations with experts in relevant areas. Whether the ministers nominated were or were not ANO members mattered little to Babiš (Kolovratník 2018; Pilný 2018).
- 9.
Party elite comprising its MPs, ministers, regional city mayors, members of the party presidium and top staffers in party headquarters (Cirhan and Kopecký 2017).
- 10.
Another important change was the introduction of spending limits on electoral campaigns. This was again connected with the fact that ANO had practically unlimited financial resources at its disposal, placing it at a significant advantage over other parties. Thus, for elections to the Chamber of Deputies, a legal limit of about €3.5 million per party was established. This created minor complications for ANO ahead of the 2017 elections, because it could not put on as massive a campaign as it wanted to, and had to moderate its expenditure much more than in 2013 (Pustějovský 2018).
- 11.
Some members of these highest bodies held their posts ex officio. For the presidium, for example, this included the chair of the party, his or her deputies, the executive secretary, the elder of the faction in parliament etc. (Krupavičius and Simonaitytė 2016: 266).
- 12.
Palikot sold his shares in Polmos in 2006, having previously divested himself of the firm Ambra that imported wine (Ludzie Wprost 2012).
- 13.
One delegate for 50 members, but at least one per region, and no more than the number of MPs elected in the region.
- 14.
Together with the party chair they constituted the National Committee.
- 15.
The National Political Council was made up of the members of the National Board, the National Committee, the MPs, and the leaderships of the Youth Movement and the Women’s Movement.
- 16.
The statutes also introduced a fourth organisational tier at the level of the voivodeships, or provinces, and a shadow cabinet, but these were abolished in 2015.
- 17.
The chairs of the regions were nevertheless transferred to the National Political Council, which could co-opt another 30 members, and thus the representation of the regions at the national level was preserved. The National Board remained the strongest body, but it was enlarged by 20 members—some of them chosen by the National Political Council on the chair’s demand—the chair was thus able to control the National Board through the people she or he had installed there (Kosowska-Gąstoł and Sobolewska-Myślik 2017).
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Hloušek, V., Kopeček, L., Vodová, P. (2020). The Party as a Spin-off from a Business Empire. In: The Rise of Entrepreneurial Parties in European Politics. Palgrave Studies in European Political Sociology. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-41916-5_3
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