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Research Foundations

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Dividing Africa with Policy

Part of the book series: Library of Public Policy and Public Administration ((LPPP,volume 14))

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Abstract

This chapter presents a background to the research and covers recent theoretical developments in IR to address complexity in the international system. The methodology, based on General Systems Theory and the concept of panarchy, for the analysis of those interactions, is presented, as well the conceptual framework, which underpin the relationship between the EU and the North African and Middle Eastern states. Of particular note is the influence of neoliberalism as it stands in contraindication to African value systems.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    See Smith, H. 2002. European Foreign Policy: What it is and what it Does. Pluto Press; Still, contemporarily, this is in dispute. See Szalai, P. 2019. There is no real ‘European foreign policy’, says former EU diplomat. EurActiv online 14 June.

  2. 2.

    It was widely reported the day after the referendum vote that the most searched for phrase (according to Google Trends) on the internet was “What is the EU.” While this has been contested as being directly correlated to ignorance, other surveys and opinion polls have since confirmed a strikingly poor understanding of the EU, its institutions, and what it meant to be a part of it (and subsequently what gains or disadvantages there were on leaving in the short and long term). Buchanan, T. 2019. Brexit behaviourally: lessons learned from the 2016 Referendum. Mind and Society 18:13–31; Carl N., 2019. Are Leave Voters less Knowledgeable about the EU than Remain Voters? In 2019. Brexit and Public Opinion. According to one journalist, asking the general (uniformed) public, to vote on whether or not Britain should leave the EU was like “asking a six-year old to perform delicate brain surgery with a crayon.” English, O. 2019. The British Public Still Don’t Know What they voted for, and it’s not elitist to admit it. The Independent [online] January 22. Gilbert, D., 2016. No, Britons Were Not Frantically Googling ‘What Is The EU?’ Hours After Brexit Vote. International Business Times [online], June 27.

  3. 3.

    Regimes in the study of complex adaptive systems and their resilience are patterns of disturbance over time. These can take place either internally or externally to the focal system. Disturbance regimes are discussed in more detail in Chaps. 7 and 8. See Resilience Alliance Workbook for Practitioners. 2010. Assessing Resilience in Socio-ecological Systems : Workbook for Practitioners. Version 2.0, p.15.

  4. 4.

    Traditional theories in IR here refer to those based on rationalist approaches to the study of international relations. These include a wide range of theories but in particular Realism, Rational Choice, Rational Choice Institutionalism, evolutionary game theory, microeconomic theory, liberalism, and what has been called the “neo-neo synthesis” – neorealism and neoliberalism. Waever, O., 1996 cited in Schmidt, B.C., 2002. On the History and Historiography of International Relations, in Carlsnaes, W. et al., (Eds) 2002. Handbook of International Relations. London: Sage Publications.

  5. 5.

    Bell describes the beginnings of IR theory as being “bound up with imperial projects” and goes on to point out that the field has remained chained and constrained by initial parameters of “autonomous states under conditions of ‘anarchy’”. Bell, D., 2013. Ideologies of Empire. In Freeden, M., et al. (Eds.) 2013. The Oxford Handbook of Political Ideologies. [e-book Adobe DRM pdf version] Oxford: Oxford University Press. p.537.

  6. 6.

    Three broad categories of resilience exist within this literature: a) where the system returns to its original state after some interaction; b) where the change after the interaction is “marginal”; and c) where the system adapts after the interaction and yet is able to retain its form an overall function (this latter type is sometimes referred to as “socio-ecological resilience”. See Bourbeau, P. (2013). Resiliencism: Premises and promises in securitization research. Resilience: International Policies, Practices, and Discourses, 1(1), 3–17; Chandler D., and Coaffee, J., (2016) Introduction. In Chandler, D., and Coaffee, J., (Eds.) (2016). The Routledge Handbook of International Resilience. [e-book epub version] London: Routledge. Retrieved from https://blackwells.co.uk/; Adger, W. N. (2000). Social and ecological resilience: are they related? Progress in Human Geography, 24(3), 347–364; Handmer, J.W. and Dovers, S. R. (1996). A Typology of Resilience: Rethinking Institutions for Sustainable Development. Industrial and Environmental Crisis Quarterly, 9(4), 482–511. However, all three are different aspects of the one overall property: that after some interaction, the system is still largely recognizable as itself. It is important to note that this particular observation is essentially independent of the details of the system, and is as a consequence of the CAS evolving through its adaptive cycle. Hence the system may emerge resilient after the collapse in any one of three categories mentioned.

  7. 7.

    Africa and the AU are considered this way, as part of a whole panarchy, due to its standing in international relations and specifically in policy both internally and externally: The concept of “Africa” is relevant from this perspective, as it is has been pursued since the establishment of the OAU in 1963.

  8. 8.

    Stephan Calleya has defined very specific sub-regions and international regions in the Euro-Mediterranean area. The sub-regions in the Mediterranean are roughly the Middle East and North Africa (Mashreq and Maghreb); the “Middle East international region” includes both; the “Europe international region” is made up of EU states and Turkey. This book however, recognises the Middle East international region as being the Mediterranean region, based on EU foreign policy and its conceptualisation therein. Egypt, rather than being included in the Mashreq as per Calleya’s distinction, is considered to be part of North Africa, following an African geographical and institutional perspective. See Calleya, S. C., 2005. Evaluating Euro-Mediterranean Relations. Abingdon: Routledge. pp. 9–14.

  9. 9.

    Strakosch refers to direct (presence of colonial actors) and indirect (by proxy or later, through various agreements or “treaty partners”) colonial rule, and structural colonisation to refer to the control over state institutions. Arneil refers to internal and external colonisation, the latter of “non-western peoples” who are or have been “subjected to the colonial power of a foreign power” and the internal to refer to the domestic colonisation of the poor or otherwise socially ostracised through Liberal socio-economic ideology. (Both the internal and the external kinds need to be analysed as part of one dialectical construct.) Strakosch, E., 2015. Neoliberal Colonialism. In, Strakosch, E. 2015. Neoliberal Indigenous Policy. London: Palgrave MacMillan, p. 19; and Arneil. B., 2012. Liberal Colonialism, domestic Colonies and Citizenship. History of Political Thought. 33(3), p.493.

  10. 10.

    Taken from the German tradition of binding law and economics together, ordoliberalism. Slobodian 2018. Globalists: The End of Empire and the Birth of Neoliberalism. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. p. 273.

  11. 11.

    Quite literally “a double government” provided by highly circumscribed roles of the State and global economy. The idea was to create a world constructed on “institutions of multi-tiered governance” protected from “democratic decision making.” Carl Schmitt, a former Nazi jurist and party member, is credited as giving neoliberals their vision of a global “non-state sphere” economy “permeating everything”, “over, under and beside the state-political borders.” See Slobodian, Q., 2018. pp. 260; 284.

  12. 12.

    Bell refers to “the modern social imaginary, in its imperial dimensions”, encoding “civilizational” or racial difference. Bell, D., 2012. Ideologies of Empire, In Freeden, M., et al. (Eds.) 2013. The Oxford Handbook of Political Ideologies. Oxford: Oxford University Press.p.539.

  13. 13.

    It is worthwhile to note that at this time, a split occurred within the Mont Pelerin School during the first wave of (structural) decolonisation, in the period of the 1960s, between those who were opposed to apartheid rule in South Africa but still believed that the economic systems should be “insulated” from political “instability” (democracy), in favour of a “weighted” voting system (in particular William H. Hutt, the anti-apartheid “Libertarian”), and those that were outright opposed to a full “democracy” that would see the white minority lose political and economic control. The latter group led by Wilhelm Ropke, would be used by the Apartheid government to justify their continued dominance. Later proponents of “limited democracy” would be Milton Friedman, John Davenport, and Arthur Shenfield. See Slobodian, Q., 2018. p.2929–3006.

  14. 14.

    For a comprehensive account of pre-colonial civilisations in Africa, see Christopher Ehret’s seminal work. The Civilisations of Africa: A History to 1800. Charlottesville: Virgina University Press.

  15. 15.

    Several theoretical (economic) sub-strands have been identified within the body of neoliberalism, including monetarism, human capital theory, rational choice theory, search theory, transaction cost analysis, new classical economics, new institutional economics, and law and economics Roberts, P., and Peters, M. A., 2008. Neoliberalism, Higher Education and Research. Rotterdam: Sense Publishers. p.10; Harvey, D., 2005. A Brief History of Neoliberalism. Oxford: Oxford University Press. p. 54.

  16. 16.

    There is a large body of literature that highlights the interdependent relation between authoritarianism and the adoption of neoliberal political and economic values and policy implementation. See Joffe, G., 1998. “The Euro-Mediterranean Partnership Initiative: Problems and Prospects”. The Journal of North African Studies, 3(2):247–266; Joffe, G., 2009. “Investment in the Southern Mediterranean”. In Hedwig, G., (Ed.) 2009. The Euro-Mediterranean Dialogue: Prospects for an Area of Prosperity and Security. Rome: Solaris s.r.l. [online] Available at: http://www.feps-europe.eu/assets/b87820bf-4b3f-4fc4-a5c8-3787c88fec55/feps_i.e_euromed.pdf; Bourdieu, P., 1998. “Utopia of Endless Exploitation: The Essence of Neoliberalism”. Le Monde Diplomatic, Dec. [online] Available at: https://mondediplo.com/1998/12/08bourdieu [accessed 25 Oct. 2015]; Behr, T., 2013. The European Union’s Mediterranean Policies After the Arab Spring: Can the Leopard Change its Spots? Amsterdam Law Forum, 4(2); Klein, N., 2007. The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism . London: Penguin Books; and Harvey, D., 2005.op.cit. p.28; Polanyi, K., 1957. The Great Transformation: The Political and Economic Origins of Our Time. First edition. Boston: Beacon Press. p.250.

  17. 17.

    Stabilisation (or removal of balance of payments, fiscal gaps, and inflation) followed by structural adjustment. For an expanded list of the WC detailed steps to “reform” see Taylor, L., (Ed.) 1993. The Rocky Road to Reform: Adjustment, Income Distribution, and Growth in the Developing World. Cambridge MA: MIT Press. p.41–42.

  18. 18.

    Identified with the political economist, John Gerard Ruggie, under embedded liberalism the state put in place regulations to direct its commitment firstly to its domestic audience and provide for full employment, followed by its international commitment in terms of an open market or “free economy”. See Ravenhill, J., 2011. The Study of Political Economy. In Ravenhill, J., (Ed.) 2011. Global Political Economy. Third edition. Oxford: Oxford University Press. p.15. See also Clarke, S., 2005. “The Neoliberal Theory of Society”. In Saad-Filho, A., and Johnston, D., (Eds.) 2005. Neoliberalism: A Critical Reader. London: Pluto Press; Harvey, D., 2005. op.cit. p.58.

  19. 19.

    It is acknowledged that not all of Africa can be generalised in this way, but that some commonalities do exist, as in the continental-wide, institutional aim of finding unity and communitarianism among African states post-independence. This section will refer to the effects of neoliberalism on sub-Saharan African societies in particular. North African countries associated with Islamic culture are dealt with in more detail in Chaps. 7 and 8.

  20. 20.

    Like the expansion into financial services and speculation enabled by neoliberalism, the contemporary obsession with technological advancement and the knowledge economy/society by neoliberal proponents is potentially destabilising. Technology is predisposed to rapidly alter the market arena, bringing even the prospect of future developments and advances into the present; speculation is further deemed to create and build in an inordinate amount of social, cognitive instability and uncertainty, and together with property rights (intellectual, for example), has the ability to prejudice “natural” competition further, solidifying inequalities not only in the abstract market, but also in the more experiential, “real” world such as health, creating a separation between those who can afford access to medicines, and those who cannot. Excessive competition within the production realms of technology and the knowledge economy may also encourage fraud and misinformation in the race to produce “competitive” knowledge and results. See Harvey, D., 2005. op.cit. pp.33–36; 68–69; 159–162; Roberts, P., and Peters, M. A., 2008. op.cit. p.18–19.

  21. 21.

    Democratic governance often includes, as it has done in the JAES, the creation of a “good business climate” and the stipulated measures that allow for foreign direct investment, such as deregulation and elimination of tariffs, and non-tariff barriers to trade, together with the integration of other physical infrastructural support systems such as telecommunication networks, and transportation links. Further, democratic rule together with neoliberalism’s view on the limited state institutional framework, is one that often favours a close relationship between government and, as Margaret Thatcher called them, “the captains of industry”. Democracy therefore is often led and driven by un-elected and unaccountable international organisations, and those such as the GEMs, business or economic elites’ interest. Chang, H-J., 2007. Bad Samaritans: The Myth of Free Trade and the Secret History of Capitalism . New York: Bloomsbury Press, p.165–6; Harvey, D., 2005.op.cit.p.66. See Chossudovsky, M., 2003. The Globalization of Poverty and the New World Order. Quebec: Global Research, Centre for Research on Globalization (CRG).p.305.

  22. 22.

    It is acknowledged that the label “traditional” is considered troublesome in relation to African societies, as it has been compromised by the history of (British) colonisation in Africa. Within this book, “traditional” refers to a set of acknowledged customs claimed as African by African authors within Pan-Africanist writings. See Ranger, T. 1993. The Invention of Tradition Revisited: The Case of Colonial Africa. In: Ranger T., Vaughan O. (Eds) 1993. Legitimacy and the State in Twentieth-Century Africa. St Antony’s/Macmillan Series. Palgrave Macmillan, London.

  23. 23.

    Timothy Kandeke outlines “five fundamentals” of social development of any “peoples” that are identified by Dr. Kenneth Kaunda as traditionally African, and that Kandeke refers to as constituting African Communalism. According to Kaunda, these five fundamentals should be the basis of future African socio-economic organisation to preserve its African character and create the “ideal society”. These are “cooperative labour and mutual-aid living; common or communal ownership of property…individualism was discouraged; equal distribution and collective consumption of the products of mutual-aid and co-operative labour; absence of classification into ‘have’ and ‘have-nots’. All members of society were materially equal; absence of ‘exploitation of Man by Man.’ Since there was no private ownership of the means of production no individual could exploit the labour of others for his own selfish interests.” Further, “Traditional community was a mutual aid society…organized to satisfy the basis of human needs of all its members…individualism was discouraged. Most resources were communally owned for the benefit of everyone…every activity was a matter of teamwork… the web of relationships…involved some degree of mutual responsibility”. Dr Kenneth Kaunda, cited in Kandeke, T. K., 1977. Fundamentals of Zambian Humanism. Kitwe: NECZAM.pp.41–43.

  24. 24.

    Accumulation by dispossession, according to David Harvey, includes four “features”: privatization and commodification; financialization; the management and manipulation of crises; and state re-distributions through privatization and austerity measures. See Harvey, D., 2005. op.cit. pp.160ff.

  25. 25.

    The concepts of the CAS and panarchy are under no such illusions; the socio-ecological system is the conceptual capturing of both natural and human (social) systems, and importantly the interactions between them.

  26. 26.

    Varoufakis et al. include academia as an important contributor to the perpetuation of the neoliberalism, and refers to the “econobubble” as a mixture of both “university life and the certainties of neoliberalism”. See Varoufakis, Y., Halevi, J., and Theocarakis, N., 2011. Modern Political Economics: Making Sense of the Post-2008 World. Oxford: Routledge. p.3–4.

  27. 27.

    As regards the effect of a money economy on the African family and social structure is concerned, Julius Neyere is resolute: “It is for this reason that the impact of an individualistic money economy can be catastrophic as regards the African family social unity. The principles of the traditional African family all the time encourage men to think of themselves as members of a society”. See Nyerere, J., 1967. Freedom and Unity /Uhuru na Umoja: A Selection from Writings and Speeches 1952–65. Oxford: Oxford University Press.p.8.

  28. 28.

    Utility maximisation is based on Jeremy Bentham’s “greatest-happiness-principle” believed to underlie human behaviour and choice; that is, people will choose to pursue pleasure and avoid pain (or displeasure), and will make choices based on maximising their pleasure or derived satisfaction, and minimising their pain or displeasure. (This doctrine became known as utilitarianism.) Bentham, nevertheless, recognised the propensity for the individual’s pursuit of pleasure or happiness needing to be regulated, and a balance between private and public interest established. Neoliberalism, with its emphasis on non-regulation however, enables and compels a “free-for-all” society with little or no circumscription for (social) “justice”. Russell, B., 1961. History of Western Philosophy. London: George Allen and Unwin Unlimited. p.741.

  29. 29.

    The principle of marginal utility is based on the belief that the more a person consumes or derives satisfaction from a particular activity, their satisfaction will actually decrease in relation to the amount consumed/experienced. Equi-marginal utility is the point at which the “cost” or expenditure in pursuit of that pleasure/happiness/a particular good, is equal to the amount of maximum utility or satisfaction gained from it. Samuelson, P. A., 1964. Economics: An Introductory Analysis. Sixth edition. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company. p.427–430.

  30. 30.

    Failure of the Structural Adjustment Programmes is well-documented; the neoliberal project resulted in worsening conditions for Latin America and even worse for African countries during the late 1980s. See Phillips, N., 2011. “Globalisation and Development”. In Ravenhill, J., 2011. op.cit. p.434.

  31. 31.

    Sometimes conceptualised in EU development frameworks as “nexuses”, for example the security/development nexus or the migration/development nexus correspond to the perceptions and solutions of integrated security concerns. See Carbone, M., (Ed.) 2009. “Mission Impossible: the European Union and Policy Coherence for Development”. Policy Coherence and EU Development Policy. [e-book Adobe DRM pdf version] Oxford: Routledge. p.2.

  32. 32.

    Agenda 2063 points to this as “self-reliance” in Aspirations 2, articles 19 and 20. African Union Commission. 2015. Agenda 2063: the Africa we want. p.4.

  33. 33.

    There are in fact various perspectives of PCD, vertical (relations between EU member states), horizontal (problems raised by uncoordinated policy areas specifically as regards development policy and consistency between aid and non-aid policies in terms of their output); internal and multilateral coherence. See Carbone, M., 2009. op.cit. p.4

  34. 34.

    Fragmegration is a description of the inter-scalar contradictions “causally linked to globalisation, centralising and integrating dynamics”. Rosenau does point out that not all contra-indications or opposite effects are negative: decentralisation may actually be relevant for opposition voices against authoritarian/centralising political structures. See Rosenau, J.N., 2003. Distant Proximities: Dynamics Beyond Globalisation. Princeton: Princeton University Press. p.8.

  35. 35.

    The second or shadow economy is mostly identified with classified illegal activity – contraband smuggling, trafficking of SALW/people, and irregular (illegal) migration. It is assisted by ICT/networks of human and technological contacts that are only in some instances or catalysed by the need to circumscribe the established and strictly-structured state controlled confines or corrupt government officials. Bach, D., 2014. “Cross-border Interactions: From Regionalisation to Regional Integration”. Paper presented at the policy research seminar held by the Centre for Conflict Resolution (CCR) on Region-building and Regional Integration in Africa. Cape Town, South Africa, 28–30 April 2014. Manuscript in preparation for publication by the CCR. pp.5–6.

  36. 36.

    Yanis Varoufakis refers to the ‘binary dialectic’ of a capitalist system, where its structure is premised on inequality and the necessity to reproduce itself in order to keep producing, keep growing. Clarke likewise also notes that the costs (poverty) and benefits (wealth) within a capitalist system cannot be separated. See Varoufakis, Y., 2015. “How I became an Erratic Marxist”. The Guardian, [online] 18 February. Available at: http://www.theguardian.com/news/2015/feb/18/yanis-varoufakis-how-i-became-an-erratic-marxist [accessed 25 Oct. 2015]; Clarke, S., 2005.op.cit. p.56–57.

  37. 37.

    Under the Gadhafi regime, Libya refused to join the UfM, but as of 2013 is now currently an observer. See the European Union External Action Service (EEAS) website. [online] Available at: http://eeas.europa.eu/delegations/libya/eu_med_mideast/index_en.htm [accessed 24 Apr 2019].

  38. 38.

    See current “Human Development Index and its Components”. UNDP 2014. [online] Available at: http://hdr.undp.org/en/content/table-1-human-development-index-and-its-components [accessed 16 Jan. 2015]. Prior to 2011, which saw Muammar Ghaddafi’s deposition and the collapse of the Libyan state, Libya ranked 53 on the HDR Index as opposed to 108 according to 2017 rankings. UNDP 2018 Statistical Updates. [online] Available at: http://hdr.undp.org/sites/default/files/2018_human_development_statistical_update.pdf [accessed 24 Apr. 2019]

  39. 39.

    As opposed to generalised resilience, specified resilience pertains to particular variables (key or controlling) that may have a threshold point leading to a change in system state or a regime shift. Both specified and general resilience are discussed in more detail in Chaps. 7 and 8.

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Hierro, L. (2020). Research Foundations. In: Dividing Africa with Policy. Library of Public Policy and Public Administration, vol 14. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-41302-6_2

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