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Frenzied Sibyls and Most Venerable Prophets: Sebastian Castellio’s Struggle with the Biblical Canon and the Response Within the Reformation Camp

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Inexcusabiles: Salvation and the Virtues of the Pagans in the Early Modern Period

Abstract

Sebastian Castellio (1515–1563) edited and translated the Sibylline oracles in 1546 and 1555. He believed them to be genuinely ancient and, more importantly, divinely inspired. This particularly contentious approach to a body of pagan prophetic knowledge triggered mixed responses within the Reformation camp, not least because Castellio’s siding against Calvin had left him in a precarious situation. By focusing on his editions of the Sibylline oracles and his efforts to translate the Bible, this chapter explores crucial theological questions at the centre of Castellio’s scholarly activities. Above all, it shows that Castellio’s scholarly and theological activities played a decisive role in setting the tone of the early modern debate on the salvation of pagans.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Buisson 1892; Stückelberger 1939; Bainton et al. 1951; Becker 1953; Kaegi 1953; Guggisberg 1956, 1997; White 1984; Gallicet Calvetti 1989.

  2. 2.

    Popkin 1964, 10–16; Liebing 1986; Gallicet Calvetti 1989, 2005; Salvadori 2008, 2009; Gomez-Géraud 2013.

  3. 3.

    Saulnier 1953; Bracali 2001; Roessli 2013.

  4. 4.

    See Buisson 1892, I, 240; Guggisberg 1997, 48. For the work of Oporinus and his publishing house, see the judicious biography of Steinmann 1967.

  5. 5.

    Castellio’s view that Christ upon his death had not descended into hell, as well as his denial of the canonicity of the Song of Songs, gradually led to a withdrawal of support from the Genevan pastors and magistracy, and, even more important, from the head of the Geneva Church, John Calvin (1509–1564). See, amongst others, Stückelberger 1939; Naphy 1994, 88–89; Guggisberg 1997, 30–33, 38–41. On sixteenth-century Basel, see most importantly Kaegi 1954, 10–22. Guggisberg 1982, 37–53.

  6. 6.

    See Guggisberg 1997, 49–50. For a comprehensive list of Castellio’s publications and his contributions to other works during this employment, see Bietenholz 1971, 272–77. For an introduction to the most important aspects of the rich and variegated reception of the Sibylline lore, see Barnes 1988, 20–24, 77–79, 142–45; Gauger 1998, 331–564; Ben-Tov 2009, 49–53, 64–67, 70–72, 167; Green 2012, 16–41, 57–63, 75, 79–80, 83, 87, 103, 106, 145.

  7. 7.

    See Buisson 1892, I, 280; Guggisberg 1997, 50; Castellio 1546a, sigs a8r–br.

  8. 8.

    See Geffcken 1902, X–XI. In a letter to Celio Secondo Curione (1503–1569), dating from 22 March 1546, Castellio stated that he had already finished the translation, which left the printing press of Oporinus in August 1546. See Castellio 1580.

  9. 9.

    See also Roessli 2013, 232.

  10. 10.

    According to Moses, true diviners were those who both worshipped the true God and whose predictions had been fulfilled. In Castellio’s opinion, both criteria had unmistakably been met by the Sibyls. See Castellio 1546a, sig. a2v.

  11. 11.

    In support of this argument, the translation volume contains Juan Luis Vives’s (1493–1540) allegorical and Christianizing interpretation of Virgil’s (70–19 BC) ‘Fourth Eclogue’, a text often used to testify to the Sibyls’ authenticity, for it predated the birth of Christ, yet claimed to be inspired by the song of the Cumaean Sibyl. See Vives, in Castellio 1546, 131–135; Wilson-Okamura 2010, 72.

  12. 12.

    Since there are no significant differences among the two Bible editions of 1551 and 1556 and the Moses Latinus, all references concerning Castellio’s annotations will be given following the final Bible edition of 1556.

  13. 13.

    Notably, the annotations to Castellio’s French translation of the Bible bear no reference to the Sibylline oracles. The only exception concerns the French proverb of le message du corbeau. It originated from the narrative of Noah sending out a dove to see if the water had receded after the Flood. Castellio’s remark is based on the language in which the Sibylline oracles were composed and the fact that the lack of any French translation of the Sibylline oracles’ purportedly original text would have imposed language barriers on a French-speaking audience – precisely what Castellio intended to overcome with this work. See Castellio 1555, fol. αar; Castellio 1556, col. 1592; Guggisberg 1997, 69–79.

  14. 14.

    For a few examples of such referencing style, see Castellio 1556, cols 1660, 1675, 1696.

  15. 15.

    Castellio 1556, cols 1592, 1628.

  16. 16.

    On this interpretation, see also Liebing 1986, 103–105.

  17. 17.

    Castellio 1556, col. 1589: ‘Videtur cum filio suo loqui, de quo sic Sibylla lib. 8 ut nos latine vertimus: Huius consilio namque olim primitus usus, / Sic ait omnipotens: Faciamus imagine fili / Ambo de propria mortalia semina ducta, / Nunc ego curabo manibus, tu denique nostram / Effigiem verbis, ut opus commune struamus’. All translations from early modern Latin and German texts are mine.

  18. 18.

    Castellio 1556, 1598: ‘Quis ergo est? Is profecto, per quem Deus mundum et fecit, et regit: quem Sibylla versibus illis, quos in primum caput Genesis posui, filium Dei vocat. Is est qui Israelitas ex Aegypto eduxit, cum quo Moses et Elias in monte Taburo loquebantur, qui hoc loco Dei nuncius vocatur, quod a patre missus est, quoniam patris ipsius praesentiam mortales non ferunt’. Here, Castellio also complemented alternative names for God taken from the Sibylline oracles: ‘Sibylla quoque cuius nos oracula hoc anno de Graeco in Latinum conversa publicavimus, eum vocat Deum his verbis, libro 8: “Rex tibi nunc nostris descriptus in ordine summo / Versibus, hic noster Deus est, nostraeque salutis / Conditor aeternus, perpessus nomine nostro”. Et in eodem libro Gabriel Mariam alloquens: “Accipe virgo Deum gremio intemerata pudico”’.

  19. 19.

    Castellio defended Servetus as early as in the 1540s. To what extent Servetus’s anti-Trinitarian stance influenced Castellio’s theology is a matter that has not yet been fully explored. In this regard, it is however worth noting that Castellio’s testament opens in the name of God and Jesus Christ, His Son. Nowhere is the Holy Spirit mentioned. See Buisson, I, 45–46; II, 271–272. In his posthumously published work De arte dubitandi et confidendi, ignorandi et sciendi, Castellio quoted Servetus’s Christianismi restitutio verbatim. See Castellio 1971, 26.

  20. 20.

    By this, Luther claimed to react to Zwingli’s Expositio christianae fidei (‘Exposition of Christian Faith’), according to which God had allegedly granted His grace not only to the non-Jewish figures mentioned in the Bible, such as Abraham, but also to other pagans like Socrates and Aristides. See Luther 1544, sigs a iijv–a ivv; Zwingli 1536, fols 26v–27v.

  21. 21.

    Bullinger 1545a, fols 20rv: ‘Bullinger 1545a, fols 20rv: ‘Unnd als erst gemeldet/ sind durch die gefencknussen unnd zerstroeuwung Israelis under die Heiden vil anläß den Heiden angebotten zum heil/ das ist zů erkanntnuß der warheit. Die wysen von Orient werdend bewegt und gefürt durch und von einem sternen gen Bethlehem zů dem Herren Christo. So hat Gott under den Heiden durch die gantzen welt hin unnd här die warheit etlicher gestalt durch die Sibyllen geoffenbart’. As a matter of completeness, Gwalther’s Latin translation, published in the same year as the Latin original too, is given here, too (Bullinger 1545b, fols 18v–19r): ‘Et ut paulo ante dictum est, multae quae ad salutem, id est, veritatis cognitionem perducere possent, occasiones per Israelitici populi captivitates et dispersiones gentibus oblatae sunt. Orientales Magos stella duce Bethlehem usque ad Christum Iesum pervenisse legimus. Accedunt his Sibyllarum vatidici spiritus, quarum ministerio Deus per universum terrarum orbem inter gentes quoque aliquo modo veritatis cognitionem revelavit’.

  22. 22.

    Bullinger 1545a, fols 20r–21v; Bullinger 1545b, fols 19r–20r. In addition to that, there is evidence to suggest that Bullinger had gathered the great amount of Sibylline knowledge overwhelmingly from the canonical authority of Lactantius as supposed to any medieval proliferations of rather dubious origin, such as the thirteenth-century Sibilla Erithea Babilonica, for he provided a translation of the Erythraean Sibyl’s warning that she would be mocked and scorned, as cited by Lactantius (Divinae institutiones, IV.15.29). For the medieval composition of Sibylline prophecies, see Jostmann 2006. That Justin Martyr is in fact most likely not the author of the Cohortatio ad Graecos is discussed in Riedweg 1994, I, 167–182.

  23. 23.

    Bucer 1536, 706; Musculus 1544, 11; Gwalther 1545, sigs ε5r–ζr.

  24. 24.

    Following the Pauline dichotomy of mind and body, so prevalent in Reformation theology, Bullinger sensed the Sibyls’ utterances to have ruled out anything other than spiritual devotion. See Bullinger 1533, fol. 221v. When looking at the origin of this distinctive theological approach, the influence of the Church Fathers and, as we have seen earlier, Lactantius in particular, is apparent. In the tradition of Lactantius’s Divinae institutiones, Bullinger’s De origine erroris, published first in 1528 and revised in 1539, was pervaded by the idea that the Sibyls had been Christian prophets of pagan origin, for they were deemed helpful in restoring the truth of Christianity and helping to interpret the Bible – a view reiterated from his earlier Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles. See Bullinger 1533, fol. 23rv; Bullinger 1539, fols 2v, 33v; Rordorf 1977, 33–35; Bergjan 2004; Schindler 2004.

  25. 25.

    Zwingli 1527a, 459–460; Zwingli 1527c, 145.

  26. 26.

    For a more general account of Luther’s relationship with divination, see also Barnes 1988, 36–53. Here it may be worth referring to Friedemann Stengel’s argument that Luther’s early theological focus on the authority of Christ deliberately targeted contemporary intellectual currents, such as the turn towards the Hermetic tradition and the so-called prisca theologia. See Stengel 2013.

  27. 27.

    For Castellio’s sceptical view according to which man’s reason alone could provide sufficient authority to resolve ambiguities or the lack of clarity in some scriptural passages, see Popkin 2003 [1964], 11–13.

  28. 28.

    See Liebing 1986, 62. For this reason the Latin and French translations of the Bible included not only passages from Josephus, which were intended to close the chronological gaps in the Bible, but also other apocryphal writings of the Vulgate, the Books 3 and 4 of Ezra as well as a text that he entitled Continuatio historiae ex Iosepho (‘Continuation of the History from Josephus’). See Castellio 1555a, sig. +6v; 1556, sig. a6v.

  29. 29.

    Buisson 1892, II, 419.

  30. 30.

    Apparently, Castellio saw a need to provide the passages he was referring to, in order to render readings deviating from traditional interpretations comprehensible. The absence of a French translation of the Sibylline oracles is a possible reason for these annotations being omitted in Castellio’s French translation of the Bible.

  31. 31.

    As Christian prophets, all references to the Sibylline oracles are to be found in the Old Testament.

  32. 32.

    The circumstances of this edition are anything but clear. Jean-Michel Roessli hypothesizes that the editio princeps and the Latin translation swiftly sold out; however there is no clear evidence for this. According to a note on a manuscript dating from June 1550, it can yet be ascertained that the preparatory work for a second edition, a collaboration between Castellio and Birck was in full swing by the beginning of the 1550s. It is not all too unlikely that it was Birck, a great admirer of Castellio, who initiated the second edition. The 1555 edition includes a letter by Birck dated January 1551, in which he reported with great dismay that despite Castellio’s vast efforts, and even the authority of most Church Fathers, many savants and illustrious scholars were still treating the Sibylline prophecies as mere fables. Birck however did not live to see the bilingual edition released in print, for he died in 1554; nor did Antimachus, who died in 1552. It is not clear whether the publication was delayed by the passing of these two figures or by the censorship quarrels that were bound to jeopardize the publishing house of Oporinus. As shown by Charles Alexandre, Antimachus’s death was the reason for his being considered the author of the ‘Praefatio in Sibyllina oracula’, which was in fact a prologue by an unknown fifth- or sixth-century compiler of the Sibylline oracles. See Birck, in Castellio 1555b, 22–31; Alexandre 1841–1856, II, 421; Rzach 1891, IX; Buisson 1892, I, 281; Steinmann 1967, 85–88; Roessli 2013, 229. Prior to the second edition by Castellio, the Sibylline oracles appeared in a collection of early Christian writings. A comparison between the emended passages in Castellio’s edition and their equivalent in that by Johannes Basilius Herold (1514–1567) confirms the differences between both texts and the chronological order of the editions. See Herold 1555, 1468–1522.

  33. 33.

    See Geffcken, 1902, XI–XII. For the new annotations and comparative readings, see Castellio 1555, 260–290, 300–318.

  34. 34.

    In a brief introductory note, Castellio as the editor of this volume sheds some light on the design of the marginalia indicating the variants in the different manuscripts. See Castellio 1555, sigs. a2rv.

  35. 35.

    On four occasions, the form vaticinium was replaced by its equivalent oraculum. See Castellio 1555, 10, 11, 14, 18. In this case, it is also interesting to note that in his Latin translation of the Bible, the table of contents reads vates (‘diviner’) rather than propheta (‘prophet’), the term usually employed for the prophets of the Old Testament. This was for Castellio a decision similar to the one he made when, first in his Moses Latinus and then in his Bible translation, he translated the tetragrammaton ‘YHWH’ (יהוה), as ‘Iova Deus’. As he was later to explain in his Dialogi sacri, the term ‘prophet’ was too contaminated. It seems that, in light of his spiritualistic theology, the term vates could better convey the generic meaning of divine inspiration as opposed to the word propheta, laden as it was with a number of technical and traditional meanings within the domains of theology and biblical exegesis. For a few examples, see Castellio 1546b, for example, 1, 18, 1555c, sig. a2r; 1556, a6v.

  36. 36.

    See also Walker 1954, 256; Roessli 2013, 236.

  37. 37.

    Servetus 1531, 34, 1553, 396, 447, 690.

  38. 38.

    For the quotations, see also Castellio 1546a, 13, 102.

  39. 39.

    Calvin 1559, 501: ‘Patronos tandem accersit Trismegistum et Sibyllas, quod sacrae absolutiones non conveniant nisi adultis. En quam honorifice sentiat de Christi Baptismo, quem exigit ad profanos Gentilium ritus, ne aliter administretur quam Trismegisto placuerit. Nobis vero pluris Dei authoritas, cui visum est infantes sibi consecrare, ac initiare sacro symbolo cuius nondum per aetatem vim tenebant’.

  40. 40.

    Grynaeus’s work was a revised and expanded edition of Herold’s Orthodoxographa of 1555.

  41. 41.

    Originally written in the vernacular by the Brandenburg mathematician and astrologer Johannes Carion (Näglis, 1499–1537) in 1532 and translated into Latin five years later by the Lübeck pedagogue and superintendent Hermann Bonnus (1504–1548), the Chronicon Carionis was to become the central piece of Protestant universal historiography during the sixteenth century. As such, it was soon used as a text book in schools, one of the chief motives that led Melanchthon to revisit the Latin version of this work in the 1550s. See Bauer 1999, 204–5.

  42. 42.

    Asaph Ben-Tov established this with respect to Melanchthon’s later edition of 1558. See Melanchthon 1558, sigs I2rv; CR XII.773–774; Ben-Tov 2013, 126, 135. The later German translation by Caspar Peucer (1525–1602) agrees with Melanchthon on the account of the Sibyls. See Peucer 1566, sigs Gv–Gijr.

  43. 43.

    See Büsser 2000, 117, 121.

  44. 44.

    As two sermons are numbered as the 47th, the numbering of the Latin sermons is wrong. What is counted as sermon 61 is, in fact, sermon 62. In his Commentary on Daniel, Bullinger criticized the denial of Mount Zion as the holy seat in preference of Rome, which in the eighth book the Sibyls had in fact denounced as the Antichrist’s seat.

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Schulze-Feldmann, F. (2020). Frenzied Sibyls and Most Venerable Prophets: Sebastian Castellio’s Struggle with the Biblical Canon and the Response Within the Reformation Camp. In: Frigo, A. (eds) Inexcusabiles: Salvation and the Virtues of the Pagans in the Early Modern Period. International Archives of the History of Ideas Archives internationales d'histoire des idées, vol 229. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-40017-0_4

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