Abstract
The subject of this chapter is the conflict between Constantine II and Constans in the spring of 340. It critically re-appraises the period immediately after the death of Constantine I in May 337 and looks afresh at the evidence for the formation of the imperial college of Constantine’s sons. The chapter re-evaluates a number of imperial constitutions from the early period of the sons’ reigns and argues that Constantine II, the eldest of the three brothers, sought to promote a governmental hierarchy in which he served as the senior, peripatetic figure of authority in a manner not dissimilar to Diocletian’s role in the Tetrarchy. The chapter also critically assesses the varied and problematic sources of evidence for the conflict of 340 and argues for an alternative interpretation whereby Constans rather than Constantine II becomes the principal aggressor.
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Notes
- 1.
- 2.
On the civil wars after 340, see the chapter by Mark Humphries in this volume.
- 3.
- 4.
See especially Burgess 2008.
- 5.
See Bleckmann 2003: 226–236.
- 6.
Constans was probably born in 323, or possibly 320; see for instance Barnes 1982: 45.
- 7.
For Constantine II’s birthdate, see Barnes and Vanderspoel 1984: 175–176 n. 3.
- 8.
- 9.
- 10.
Julian., Or. 2.94b–95a; cf. Or. 1.19a–20a (all translations from Wright 1913–1923).
- 11.
For deference and obedience see Julian., Caes. 315a–b, and Aur. Vict., Caes. 39.29. For previous divisions of the empire, see Barnes 1982: 195–200.
- 12.
Barnes 1982: 198, 76–80.
- 13.
Rufinus, Hist. eccl. 10.16, trans. Amidon 1997: 28.
- 14.
- 15.
For itineraries, see Barnes 1993: 218–225.
- 16.
Julian., Or. 1.18c.
- 17.
- 18.
Cf. Burgess 2008: 23. For discussions of the coins see also the chapters by John Vanderspoel and Shaun Tougher in this volume. For Constantinian coinage in general see the chapter by Eric R. Varner.
- 19.
RIC 8: Trier 37; Lyons 1–3; Arles 17, 32, 40–41.
- 20.
At Constantius’ mints: RIC 8: Heraclea 14; Constantinople 1, 39, 52; Nicomedia 4, 18, 25; Cyzicus 4, 19, 25, 30; Antioch 37, 39; Alexandria 4, 12, 22. At Constantine II’s mints: RIC 8: Trier 44, 68; Lyons 12, 17; Arles 42.
- 21.
For the Diocletianic system, see further the chapter by Daniëlle Slootjes in this volume.
- 22.
Barnes 1992: 251–252. For the Praetorian Prefects, see further the chapter by Caillan Davenport in this volume.
- 23.
Potter 2015: 43–44.
- 24.
Potter 2015: 44.
- 25.
Palanque 1944: 49.
- 26.
Palanque 1944: 55.
- 27.
Cod. Theod. 11.1.6. Trans. adapted from Pharr 1952.
- 28.
For this date, Cod. Theod. 12.1.42 has been proposed as a lex gemina, despite bearing little relationship in content, as it was issued on 22 May 354 and was also addressed to the Senate of Caesena. However, if these laws are leges geminae, they must both date to 346 rather than 354 because of the mention of Rufinus and movements of Constans (see below). More likely they are simple coincidence. Cuneo 1997: 244–245, doubts they are leges geminae but concurs with a 354 date.
- 29.
PLRE 1: 782–783 (Vulcacius Rufinus 25); Rufinus was in Gaul for the alternative date of 354.
- 30.
Barnes 1993: 314 n. 31.
- 31.
Lib., Or. 59.147–148.
- 32.
Euseb., Vit. Const. 4.51, trans. Cameron and Hall 1999: 172. Eusebius strategically attributes this ad hoc division to Constantine I.
- 33.
Julian., Or. 1.20a.
- 34.
Kent 1981: 125.
- 35.
- 36.
Translation, provenance, and discussion in LSA 1665 (Gehn).
- 37.
Pace Tantillo 1999, who makes an unconvincing case for the subject being Constantine I.
- 38.
This should be held as distinct from the Tetrarchic practice (which lapsed under Constantine I) of victory titles being shared by all members of the imperial college (McCormick 1986: 112–113; Hebblewhite 2017: 56–58). This inscription does not concern victory titles, which by this point were largely individual and were never appropriated by Constantine II, but rather the attribution of responsibility for successes in the empire. It is much the same as when Constantius claimed credit for the battle of Strasbourg in 357, and Julian resentfully described it as a matter of duty that he sent Chnodomar to Constantius instead of parading his captive himself (Julian., Ep. ad Ath. 279c–d).
- 39.
Mitford 1939: 187; Cuneo 2012: 65. I have chosen not to discuss another, fragmentary, Cypriot inscription (CIL 3 Supp. 6732) reproduced in Cuneo 2012: 69, from Mitford 1939: 189, as points that could be made from it would rest on an extensively reconstructed text.
- 40.
Cuneo 2012: 65–66.
- 41.
Cf. Chastagnol 1976: 262–264, for a similar case in Constantine II’s territory.
- 42.
Milestone 94A, text 6, in French 2012: 158–159.
- 43.
Bruun 1987: 194, suggests Constans and Constantius used coinage to “upgrade their own imperial rank” to equal that of Constantine II.
- 44.
RIC 8: Siscia 18 and 18A; Börm 2015: 254 n. 86.
- 45.
Athanasius, Apology against the Arians 87.4–7, and History of the Arians 8.1; Soc., Hist. eccl. 2.3; Barnes 1993: 34.
- 46.
Athanasius, History of the Arians 19.3–4.
- 47.
I have restored the MS date of receipt for Cod. Theod. 6.22.2 from Mommsen’s emendation to 16 December 338, due to the distances travelled and the questionable relationship of 6.22.2 to 12.1.24.
- 48.
Cod. Theod. 12.1.27, 8 January 339.
- 49.
For an astute but cautious commentary, see Cuneo 1997: 29–30.
- 50.
Maraval 2013: 42–43.
- 51.
Bleckmann 2003: 239.
- 52.
Corcoran 2015.
- 53.
Indeed, far from Constantine II being eradicated from the Code, this chapter will argue below that Cod. Theod. 2.6.5 and 10.15.3 are also attributable to him.
- 54.
Cod. Theod. 11.9.2; Cuneo 2012: 93–94.
- 55.
- 56.
Cod. Theod. 10.10.4.
- 57.
PLRE 1: 510 (Ulpius Limenius 2).
- 58.
PLRE 1: 782–783 (Vulcacius Rufinus 25); 705 (Placidus 2).
- 59.
PLRE 1: 192 (Aurelius Celsinus 4); 918–919 (Fabius Titianus 6).
- 60.
Chastagnol 1962: 114.
- 61.
Anonymous Valesianus 5.21; Barnes 2011: 106.
- 62.
There are in fact two laws from Aquileia to Petronius on 9 April, Cod. Theod. 2.6.5 and 10.15.3, but they are almost certainly leges geminae—a single law split between different sections of the Code (see Cod. Theod. 1.1.5–6).
- 63.
Cod. Theod. 11.12.1, 29 April 340.
- 64.
E.g. Cod. Theod. 5.8.1, 8.4.1, 15.14.1–4.
- 65.
For memory sanctions, see Cahn 1987.
- 66.
PLRE 1: 51 (Ambrosius 1); Barnes 1980: 161 n. 5.
- 67.
After 25 February 341 and before 24 June 341: PLRE 1: 918–919 (Fabius Titianus 6).
- 68.
Chron. min. 1.68; Chastagnol 1962: 109.
- 69.
Lib., Or. 59.151–152, trans. Lieu and Montserrat 1996: 200. On the oration and the imperial ideology reflected in it see also the chapter by Christine Greenlee in this volume.
- 70.
I thank Nicholas Baker-Brian for this reading. It has since been noted by Woudhuysen 2018: 178 n. 114.
- 71.
Lieu and Montserrat 1996: 162.
- 72.
- 73.
- 74.
- 75.
Aur. Vict., Caes. 41.22, trans. Bird 1994: 51. Although the death of Dalmatius and Constantine II are juxtaposed, Aurelius Victor draws no connection between the two.
- 76.
Eutr. 10.9; Jer., Chron. s.a. 340.
- 77.
Epit. de Caes. 41.21, trans. Banchich 2009: 41.
- 78.
Barnes 1992: 252.
- 79.
Rufinus, Hist. eccl. 10.16; Oros. 7.29; Soc., Hist. eccl. 2.5; Sozom., Hist. eccl. 3.2. Sozomen claims Constantine II was killed by his generals, which seems to be an error rather than an alternative tradition in the sources, as related works directly contradict it.
- 80.
Zos. 2.41, trans. Ridley 1982: 41–42.
- 81.
Bleckmann 2003: 245–246.
- 82.
- 83.
Sym. 89.1. Derivative versions of this text are preserved in other Byzantine chronicles.
- 84.
Lieu and Montserrat 1996: 218.
- 85.
Passion of Artemius 9, trans. Lieu and Montserrat 1996: 228.
- 86.
Partes regendas at 41.20 and ius at 41.21.
- 87.
DiMaio 1988: 241–242.
- 88.
Zonar. 13.5.6–17, trans. Banchich and Lane 2009: 159.
- 89.
Cod. Theod. 10.15.3 is attributed to Constantius (who was certainly in the East), and 2.6.5 names both Constantius and Constans. As we know from many other examples, neither attribution is dependable. The addressee does not help much either; he was a vicarius in Constans’ territory, but Constantine II also had a history of sending legislation to Africa.
- 90.
Routes and distances were calculated using orbis.stanford.edu and omnesviae.org (note that only the former calculates accurate distances as the latter displays figures from the Peutinger Map).
- 91.
355: Amm. Marc. 15.4.1–13. 361: Julian., Ep. ad Ath. 286b, and Elton 2013: 664.
- 92.
Amm. Marc. 23.2.6–7 and 23.3.2–3, assuming around 12 days of marching and a journey of roughly 212 miles (calculated from google.com/maps to follow more accurately Ammianus’ route).
- 93.
- 94.
Veg., Mil. 1.9 and 1.27 (24 mp = 22 miles).
- 95.
Amm. Marc. 15.10.4–5; McCormick et al. 2012: 185.
- 96.
Amm. Marc. 23.2.6.
- 97.
Amm. Marc. 15.10.4.
- 98.
Veg., Mil. 3.6, for reconnaissance in fourth-century military doctrine.
- 99.
Suet., Tib. 75.1, and Vit. 17.2; Cass. Dio 80.20; Lactant., De mort. pers. 44.9. Cf. Johnson 2009: 9.
- 100.
Epit. de Caes. 41.21; Eutr. 10.9; Oros. 7.29.
- 101.
Sym. 89.1, trans. Banchich and Lane 2009: 211.
- 102.
Bleckmann 2003: 245–246.
- 103.
Sym. 89.1; Cedrenus I.521.18 ff; Leo Gramm. 90, 5–15; Codex Palatinus Graecus 117.15. The quote is from Cedrenus.
- 104.
Amm. Marc. 21.6.2; PLRE 1: 57 (Amphilochius 1).
- 105.
Cod. Theod. 12.1.29 (19 January) and 10.10.5 (2 February).
- 106.
- 107.
Bleckmann 2003: 245–246.
- 108.
Julian., Or. 1.18c.
- 109.
Bleckmann 2003: 247–248.
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Lewis, W. (2020). Constantine II and His Brothers: The Civil War of AD 340. In: Baker-Brian, N., Tougher, S. (eds) The Sons of Constantine, AD 337-361. New Approaches to Byzantine History and Culture. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-39898-9_3
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