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Mechanisms

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Nonviolent Resistance and Democratic Consolidation

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Abstract

Having established that political transitions induced by nonviolent resistance (NVR) lead to more resilient democracies, this chapter analyses the causal mechanisms linking resistance to democratic consolidation. Using statistical analyses and in-depth case studies of Benin and Chile, we identify three mechanisms: First, NVR levels the political playing field by dislodging incumbents, leading to the institutionalization of executive constraints, and empowering civil society. Second, NVR creates symbolic resources and a political culture that are conducive to civic activism. Third, NVR makes democracies more resilient against coups d’état and promotes healthier civil–military relations. These results mostly support our theoretical assumptions but could be influenced by the selection of cases.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Banégas (1995) reports of multi-sectorial protests including the hospitals, the taxi drivers, lawyers, workers from the influential post and telecommunication enterprises and even some police units.

  2. 2.

    Detailed results are reported in the appendix section A7.

  3. 3.

    Note that Bethke and Pinckney (2019) report similar results for this effect using a different matching procedure.

  4. 4.

    Detailed results are reported in the appendix section A7.

  5. 5.

    Own translation. See http://democratiebenin.over-blog.com/article-rapport-general-de-la-conference-nationale-1990-73929678.html.

  6. 6.

    To prevent military intervention, article 66 of the constitution further establishes ‘the right and the duty to make an appeal by any means in order to re-establish the constitutional legitimacy, including recourse to existing agreements of military or defense cooperation’. Further, article 66 stipulates that the right of any Beninese ‘to disobey and organize himself to put a check to the illegitimate authority shall constitute the most sacred of rights and the most imperative of duties’.

  7. 7.

    According to the constitution (Title V) the constitutional court shall ‘be the judge of the constitutionality of the law [and] guarantee the fundamental human rights and the public liberties’. Furthermore, the constitutional court serves as ‘the regulatory body for the functioning of institutions and for the activity of public authorities’. This combination of constitutional jurisdiction (contrôle de constitutionnalité) and a duty to protect human rights is a unique feature to the Beninese constitutional court (Kangnikoé 2014).

  8. 8.

    Article 71 of the constitution stipulates that every member of the National Assembly has the right to interpellate the president or any of his ministers. The respective president or minister has to respond to the interpellation. In case of conflict the National Assembly can serve as mediator and propose a solution.

  9. 9.

    Article 25 of the constitution guarantees the freedom of association, of assembly, of procession and of demonstration, article 23 guarantees religious freedom and freedom of expression, article 24 guarantees the freedom of press, and article 31 safeguards the right to strike.

  10. 10.

    According to Robinson (1994, p. 591) the Benin-based Pan African Social Prospects Centre (PSPC) held a conference on ‘Africa and the French Revolution: Lessons for the 21st Century’ from 21 to 24 November 1989.

  11. 11.

    CNN Transcript: http://edition.cnn.com/TRANSCRIPTS/1707/23/cnr.22.html.

  12. 12.

    Related research also shows that generally protest participation, especially if nonviolent, can have long-term effects on political attitudes and behaviour (McAdam 1989; Mazumder 2018; Sherkat and Blocker 1997).

  13. 13.

    However, Doherty et al. (2019) show that political attitudes do not always translate into changes in political behaviour. Using data on protest participation during the Tunisian revolution and voting in the subsequent Constituent Assembly elections, Doherty et al. (2019) find no evidence that such formative event activate citizens. Their results indicate that those who participated in the protests were not substantially more likely to vote than those who did not.

  14. 14.

    Own translation. See http://democratiebenin.over-blog.com/article-rapport-general-de-la-conference-nationale-1990-73929678.html.

  15. 15.

    Own translation. Original French petition online: https://www.change.org/p/ressuscitons-l-h%C3%B4tel-plm-al%C3%A9djo?fbclid=IwAR3eW-mXfNAnxsJJqXcNnuN0-m9CaUjIRvEiwv5cWaRTwXbrJDc9K68SWYE.

  16. 16.

    Djogbenou, then a professor at the faculty of law and political science of the University of Abomey-Calavi and president of the NGO Droits de l’Homme, Paix et Développement (DHPD), later became president of the constitutional court. His movement transformed into a political party.

  17. 17.

    The DTA, renamed in 2017 to Popular Democratic Movement (PDM), is a political party in Namibia. It was originally founded after the Turnhalle Constitutional Conference in 1975 which was assembled to devise a constitution for an independent country South West Africa. At this time, the country was still occupied by South Africa. The conference failed and the DTA was formed as a political party that rallied the moderate forces of the country. The DTA participated in the 1978 elections and consequently governed the country in cooperation with the occupying forces of South Africa. Today, it is therefore often regarded as party that collaborated with the South African apartheid regime.

  18. 18.

    This part of the Namibian experience is comparable to Zimbabwe where the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) under Robert Mugabe used a similar strategy of political entitlement to fortify its rule (Scarnecchia 2006, pp. 233–234). In this case, the rhetoric of entitlement determined ZANU’s exclusive claim to power in Zimbabwe, which, among other things, eventually led to democratic breakdown in the form of an autogolpe in 1987.

  19. 19.

    We are grateful to Alvaro Martín Alvarez for pointing this out to us during his review of our case study on El Salvador.

  20. 20.

    Detailed results are reported in the appendix section A7.

  21. 21.

    We obtain similar results if we consider violent transitions as separate category.

  22. 22.

    The radical flank effect refers to the positive (or negative) effect of a radical flank on the outcome of a conflict (Haines 1984; Tarrow 1998). In this case, the PCB, which did not participate in the National Conference , represented the radical flank of the movement, which had a positive effect on the National Conference and the more moderate parts of the movement.

  23. 23.

    Although we wish to stress that the Namibian model is not applicable to all other cases. It shares several commonalities with other cases where liberation armies were transformed into official military outfits, such as South Sudan or Timor-Leste, but our control case of El Salvador followed a different path. There, the rebels of the FMLN argued that the military should be downsized or abolished altogether and that human rights violators should be punished. However, we see an important difference in the modes of transition in Namibia and El Salvador. While violent resistance was the crucial driver of transition in both cases, Namibia saw a clear victory (albeit under UN auspices) of the insurgents whereas democracy in El Salvador emerged out of peace negotiations between the government and the FMLN, more closely resembling the dynamics of a pacted transition. Hence, it was never a realistic option for the FMLN to ‘stack’ the armed forces with loyalists. Instead, FMLN veterans were mostly integrated into the police force.

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Authors and Affiliations

  1. Goethe University Frankfurt, Frankfurt, Germany

    Daniel Lambach

  2. Institute of Political Science, University of Duisburg-Essen, Duisburg, Germany

    Markus Bayer

  3. Peace Research Institute Frankfurt, Frankfurt, Germany

    Felix S. Bethke

  4. Flemish Peace Institute, Brussels, Belgium

    Matteo Dressler

  5. Conflict Transformation Research, Berghof Foundation Berlin, Berlin, Germany

    Véronique Dudouet

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  1. Daniel Lambach
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  3. Felix S. Bethke
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  4. Matteo Dressler
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  5. Véronique Dudouet
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Lambach, D., Bayer, M., Bethke, F.S., Dressler, M., Dudouet, V. (2020). Mechanisms. In: Nonviolent Resistance and Democratic Consolidation. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-39371-7_4

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