Abstract
The chapter analyses the institutional and cultural parable of corporatism by studying the conferences promoted by the fascist regime to involve Italian economists, jurists and social scientists in providing theoretical foundations to an economic model conceived as a “third way” between liberalism and socialism. The National Conferences of Corporative Studies, organised in 1930 and 1932 by the Ministry of Corporations under the direction of Giuseppe Bottai, saw the participation of the main fascist economists who boldly justified the “reforms” introduced by Mussolini’s government to suppress free trade unions and create corporative institutions to regulate labour relations and markets. The second conference was a dramatic confrontation between the “Right” and the “Left” of the corporatist movement, from which the latter—led by Ugo Spirito, who defended the idea of distributing the capital of joint-stock companies among the workers—was forever defeated. After 1935 the regime was urgently compelled to address more urgent problems, such as autarky deriving from the embargo that the League of Nations had imposed to Italy for the invasion of Ethiopia, and, during the Second World War, the “new international order” that would emerge after the end of the war. At this stage corporatism was either openly rejected or used as a sort of nominalistic label to define a planned, authoritarian, imperial and mixed economy, inserted in an international order in which weaker countries were reduced to ancillary, non-competing economies serving the interests of the two hegemonic powers, Germany and Italy. At this stage, the main fear was the hegemony of Germany over Italy, an issue that prompted the rediscovery of more orthodox tools of economic analysis.
This essay is the outcome of a shared research. However, § 1 and 3 should be attributed to Marco Ciniand § 2 to Fabrizio Bientinesi.
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Notes
- 1.
Cf. Melis (2018, 414–448). Take the case, for example, of the law of 12 January 1933, which made prior authorisation a prerequisite to open new industrial plant, limiting any form of competition.
- 2.
Bottai held the position of Under-Secretary at the Ministry of Corporations from 1926 to 1929 and was Minister from 1929 to 1932, when Mussolini took his place. Afterwards, Ferruccio Lantini, Renato Ricci, Carlo Tiengo and Tullio Cianetti took over the leadership of the department. These were figures who, as observed in historiography, had little competence in social and economic problems (Parlato 1990, 9–10).
- 3.
From 1909 Arias taught political economy at the University of Genoa, where he stayed until 1924, when he moved to Florence and, in 1938, to Rome.
- 4.
- 5.
During the conference two communications on economic subjects were also presented: one by Celestino Arena (“La corporazione come complesso economico” [The corporation as an economic whole]) and one by the lawyer Stefano Maria Cutelli (“L’ordinamento corporativo e l’economia nazionale” [The corporative system and the national economy]).
- 6.
It is worth recalling that the same polemical stance towards Arias and towards the theorists of “integral” corporative economics, understood as denial of the hedonistic principles found at the basis of human action, was also made explicit by Gangemi in an article published that same year in the Giornale degli economisti e rivista di statistica (Gangemi 1932).
- 7.
- 8.
Among the academic economists who took part in this conference were Carlo Emilio Ferri, Francesco Vito, Jacopo Mazzei, Manlio D’Ambrosio, Giovanni Demaria and Libero Lenti.
- 9.
International economics was also at the centre of the papers by Jacopo Mazzei, professor of economics at the University of Florence, and Libero Lenti, professor of statistics at the Bocconi University of Milan. Mazzei developed an analysis of comparative cost theories, contesting the prevailing outcomes that associated it with free trade policy, and came to the conclusion that under certain circumstances a country could benefit from withdrawing from the international market and focusing on autarkic production. Lenti, on the other hand, intervened on the impact that the autarkic policy would have on Italian international trade.
- 10.
Besides Alberto De’ Stefani, who took the presidency of the section, Jacopo Mazzei, Antonio Fossati, Guglielmo Masci, Celestino Arena, Carlo Pagni, Francesco Parrillo, Gino Barbieri and Manlio D’Ambrosio presented papers (Autarchia 1940).
- 11.
National conference of economic and social studies on “Orientamenti dell’Economia nell’Europa Fascista” [Economic Tendencies in Fascist Europe], Turin, 13–14 January 1941. The conference was divided into five sections: (1) Principles of economic reconstruction; (2) Organisation of living spaces; (3) Corporative developments; (4) Monetary and financial perspectives; and (5) Social goals of the economic reconstruction.
- 12.
“It is now easy to see through the uselessness, indeed the inanity, of the distinction between living space and economic space made by comrade Alfieri along the lines of certain German scholars. The distinction is clearly intended as justification: as long as the Axis was limited to the nearer and colonial territories (inferior economies), the legality of the action was summed up with living spaces; with extension over a vaster area with greater objectives, economic space was evoked like legitimation of a natural son (occupation of Nations with advanced economies but in rapid decline). At this rate one might even go as far as justifying rule of a single Power over all the earth as world space” (Solaro 1941a, 164). On these aspects, see also Collotti (2002), Amore Bianco (2018).
- 13.
See Fonzi (2011).
- 14.
- 15.
“It was precisely in the field of stability, the acknowledged prerogative of gold, that Keynes had to launch a serious attack. He asserted that price stability can be achieved with paper currency, the means being both adjustments of the discount rate and open market operations. Essentially, the quantity of circulating medium must be determined on the basis of the conditions of exchange, of the labour market, of the discount policy and of the issue of Treasury Bonds” (Gasparini 1941a, 84).
- 16.
“What is the quantitative limit to labour-backed currency? Inevitably, the first step will be to consider labour not in its potential state, but as employed in the production of tradable goods, i.e. the labour that produces wealth” (Gasparini 1941b, 97).
- 17.
In the discussions following upon the presentation of Gasparini’s report, Giuseppe Solaro, a future outstanding figure in the RSI (Italian Social Republic)—the puppet state created after 8 September—affirmed in support of the labour-backed currency: “We support the labour-backed currency not only because Italy and Germany are rich in labour forces. We support it above all because it fits into the framework of our entire ideology aiming to remove in toto the economy of the people from the impersonal control of technicality and the financial combines and gold monometallism have found the most favourable conditions to thrive” (Gasparini 1941b, 97).
- 18.
- 19.
The aims of the cooperative systems were to be “social justice, shortening of distances, family wages and demographic increase” (Zaccagnini 1941, 107).
- 20.
Dino Gardini, clearly no anti-fascist, wrote at the same conference: “Are we really sure that the criticisms made in good faith have done more harm than the praise lavished on it?” (Gardini 1942, 99). Yet more severe was Federico Maria Pacces, a scholar of business administration and a fascist from the outset who, on the occasion of a conference on economic planning held in two stages in Rome—in November 1942 and April 1943—observed that “one of the reasons for the good fortune of the word corporatism lies in the fact that each has seen in the corporations what he wanted to see” (Melis 1997, 86) and “If today, with the advantage of a certain detachment, several years having passed since these discussions were indeed heated, we look at the doctrinaire constructions that have been attempted in the field of economics, I believe we can conclude that these doctrinaire constructions have been made more in a spirit of indulging in a political approach than out of the personal convictions of the scholars. This can account for two facts that have always been extremely worrying. The first is the scarcity and poverty of this cooperative economic doctrine, the second the fact that whenever in the course of our duties we have our daily meetings with young people, we see that there is a distance between the best of them and these studies, because the young do not feel this need and this political indulgence” (Melis 1997, 234).
- 21.
On Corrado Gini cf. Cassata (2006).
- 22.
“If achieving the desirable autarky costs so much as to permanently impoverish the nation, the possibility cannot be ruled out at the result of a policy of autarky will be not to enhance but enfeeble its resistance” (Gini 1942, 232). For a lucid analysis of the limits to autarky, see Jannaccone (1940).
- 23.
The concept of “complex economy” developed by the French economist Lucien Brocard was adopted and further developed in Italy by Francesco Vito, cf. Vito (1935).
- 24.
“Nationalistic separatism for patents would be incompatible with a continental corporative basis if we are to conceive of it as an ethical reality and not an agglomerate of materialisms” (Note editoriali 1941, 677).
- 25.
“Within the greater area considered as a whole, on the other hand, autarky will have the right to citizenship precisely because the greater area tends to be a complete economic unit. Unless the idea is of formal agreements between the various great areas (an idea not borne out by the contents of the established programmes), specialisation and integration will apply only within each great area, and all the great areas will seek to ensure themselves the maximum degree of autonomy” (Pagni, 269–270).
- 26.
Allow me refer readers to Bientinesi (2011).
- 27.
Significantly enough, in another contribution Volrico Travaglini observed that the Ricardian principle had “come back into fashion” (Travaglini 1942, 169).
- 28.
Fiaccadori (1942).
- 29.
Both Gambino (1943) and D’Albergo (1943) limited movements of gold to balance of payments settlements with the Asian and American areas. D’Albergo foresaw a general reduction in autarkic policies, diffusion of which had been justified by “a principle of vital necessity” (D’Albergo 1943, 110). The idea of using reserve currency for extra-area settlements had been raised by Coppola D’Anna (1943). Clearly, it remained to be seen what reserve currency should be established in the context of the “new order”.
- 30.
“It is undeniable that such abuses will always be liable to occur given imperfect human nature whatever the kind of international monetary system, until positive measures are in place with guarantees for true international collaboration” (Vito 1943, 170).
- 31.
“‘It does not appear, indeed, that one can simply postulate the absurdity of the attempt to define the exact unit and quantity of labour that might serve as term of reference for the purchasing power of the unit of currency’ (Vito). It is perfectly understandable that it would be illusory to seek it in a mean of wages in particular places because it would lead to a crystallisation of wages corresponding to that of the prices that would have created Irving Fisher’s “basket dollar”, but it does not seem impossible that a basis for the currency unit can be found in something representing labour accumulated and labour directly applied, such as the “kilowatt hour of electric energy”, taken in certain conditions and quantities. It would represent in a large percentage labour accumulated in relation to hydroelectric energy, but mainly directly in relation to the thermoelectric energy produced with coal. It would in any case still represent labour, and it would be the basis of the unit of value in terms of a product whose expansion proceeds pari passu with the expansion of the productive activity. Nor would it appear reasonable to reject this basis of unit of measure on account of the variability of the production of electric energy considering that the production of the metal that we have so far used as basis to measure values has more than tripled in the last 40 years” (Zuccoli 1943, 189).
- 32.
Cf. Coppola D’Anna (1943).
- 33.
Cf. Pavanelli and Porta (1995).
- 34.
- 35.
“The absurd outcome would be that no country would look to autarky within its borders but all would depend on one another in order to achieve continental autarky. This dependence would be of negligible importance for the big countries but would become intolerable for the small ones” (Demaria 1951, 476).
- 36.
“The advocates of this solution for the industrial reorganisation of Europe totally fail to notice that it would automatically give rise to a difference in individual wages, tenors of life and individual and collective fortunes as utterly unjustified as it would be unbearable. The serious danger of the authoritarian solution with international cartels in the first project is, then, that the European economy would move in the direction of forms of economic planning proving oppressive for the single countries” (Demaria 1951, 478–479).
- 37.
The charge was made by Guido Menegazzi, a scholar close to Alberto De’ Stefani, cf. the report by Carlo Alberto Biggini, dean of the University of Pisa and director of the School of Higher Studies in corporative disciplines to Mussolini, Archivio Centrale dello Stato, fondo Segreteria particolare del Duce, carteggio ordinario, 509.741/3. A third volume on the proceedings of the Pisan conference had been planned but was never published.
- 38.
A letter from Pellizzi to Fortunati, 27 February 1955, published in Breschi and Longo (2003, 184).
- 39.
In 1941 Fortunati approached the clandestine organisation of the Italian Communist Party (PCI) in Bologna, participating in the intellectual group “Antonio Labriola”, a politically varied group of anti-fascists (with Communist, Socialist, Catholic and republican militants) which clandestinely published from July 1944 to March 1945 a journal entitled Tempi nuovi. After the war he was elected senator for the PCI in the first five terms.
- 40.
As from 1941, Dami was secretly enrolled in the Italian Communist Party. On 15 September 1943 he enrolled in the Brigate Garibaldi and took part in the fight of resistance against Nazi-fascism. He was elected to Parliament in the first and third terms of the Italian Republic among the members of the Communist Party. At the end of the war, in 1945 and 1946 he published two articles about planning in the Communist-leaning journal Società (Dami 1945, 1946).
- 41.
- 42.
- 43.
- 44.
- 45.
The Italian association of employers.
- 46.
- 47.
- 48.
- 49.
- 50.
- 51.
- 52.
- 53.
- 54.
- 55.
- 56.
- 57.
- 58.
- 59.
Lettera di Fortunati a Pellizzi, 10 August 1943 (Breschi and Longo 2003, 184).
- 60.
Letter from Fortunati to Pellizzi, 23 August 1943 (Breschi and Longo 2003, 184).
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Bientinesi, F., Cini, M. (2020). Planning and Discussing Corporatism and the “New International Order”. In: Augello, M., Guidi, M., Bientinesi, F. (eds) An Institutional History of Italian Economics in the Interwar Period — Volume II. Palgrave Studies in the History of Economic Thought. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-38331-2_3
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-38331-2_3
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