Abstract
Migration as a global, European and national phenomenon undoubtedly represents a privileged context where populism may be expressed. The management of migration flows involves reference to legal concepts which are traditionally related to populist trends: national security, border defence, national identity and culture. The assessment of the ‘constitutional sustainability’ of populist policies implemented within the Italian legal context is conducted in the chapter, as well as their compatibility with European standards and other national experiences. The trend to implement a populist narrative in particular is considered, intended as the will of the political majority to introduce both effective and ‘symbolic’ pieces of legislation able to convey a legal—but also cultural—message grounded on the rhetoric of the separation between ‘Us’ and the ‘Others’. The influence of populism over migration management is intended to be a key issue within which the traditional confrontation between the legality expressed by the political power and the legitimacy guaranteed at the constitutional level takes place. Therefore, the chapter aims to address the following question: What is the sustainable level of populist policies within a constitutional legal order?
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Notes
- 1.
Within this trend, it is necessary to recall the role played, according to the populist rhetoric, by the systematic call to the connection between uncontrolled immigration and risks for European societies linked to the terrorist threat. This link is often used in order to justify, and in a certain way impose, very restrictive migration policies based on dissuasion, control and, eventually, real contrast of the phenomenon as a whole. In this sense, the confusion between supposed different ‘types’ of migrations (see further below) favours the gradual but inexorable transition from the fight against terrorism also in the context of migration, to the struggle to irregular immigration up to the fight against immigration tout court (Castelli Gattinara 2017; Armillei 2017: 154).
- 2.
Ministry of Interior, Cruscotto statistico giornaliero (http://www.libertaciviliimmigrazione.dlci.interno.gov.it/it/documentazione/statistica/cruscotto-statistico-giornaliero. Last accessed: 13 October 2019).
- 3.
European Commission, ‘Integration of immigrants in the European Union’, Special Eurobarometer, 2018, no. 469.
- 4.
Istituto Cattaneo, Immigrazione in Italia: tra realtà e percezione, 2018 (https://www.cattaneo.org/2018/08/27/immigrazione-in-italia-tra-realta-e-percezione/). It links this error of perception not only to lack of information but also to the existence of deep-rooted prejudices against immigrants, which could bias voters’ perception.
- 5.
See infra. In contradiction with the populist will to reaffirm the centrality of the popular will betrayed by liberal and technocratic elites.
- 6.
Il Post, Gli immigrati e gli alberghi, 17 June 2015 (https://www.ilpost.it/2015/06/17/immigrati-alberghi-di-lusso-salvini/).
- 7.
According to Villa (2018): ‘it is important to note that although the Gentiloni government had asked NGOs in the summer of 2017 to either sign a “code of conduct” or stop their SAR operations at sea, until May this year the Italian government had never openly and actively opposed search and rescue operations per se’.
- 8.
Legal Studies on Migration Association (ASGI), Accesso civico ai Ministeri dell’interno e dei Trasporti: nessun provvedimento formale di chiusura dei porti, 10 January 2019 (https://www.asgi.it/media/comunicati-stampa/chiusura-porti-accesso-civico/).
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Penasa, S. (2020). The Italian Way to Migration: Was It ‘True’ Populism? Populist Policies as Constitutional Antigens. In: Delledonne, G., Martinico, G., Monti, M., Pacini, F. (eds) Italian Populism and Constitutional Law. Challenges to Democracy in the 21st Century. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-37401-3_13
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