Abstract
The chapter examines Mariano Moreno’s writings in the Gazeta de Buenos-Ayres on law and sovereignty during the Spanish monarchy’s constitutional crisis. It traces Moreno’s Rousseauan preoccupation with the enlightened legislator back to Scholasticism. Sharman uses deconstruction to place under erasure the critical Scholastic distinction between the origins and the exercise of sovereignty essential to Moreno’s deliberations on the Buenos Aires Junta’s anticolonial transfer of power. He identifies the importance of faith and time to the concept and practice of sovereignty and challenges idealised visions of an alternative Hispanic tradition of divisible sovereignty. The chapter draws upon Derrida’s work on law and force and his seminars on the theological quality of all sovereignty, of which the revolutionary legislator is merely a hyperbolic example.
Toda mudanza de gobierno es revolucionario.
Mariano Moreno (“Manifiesto de la Junta,” Gazeta de Buenos-Ayres, 11 October 1810 (Gaceta 2008))
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Notes
- 1.
“Representación de los hacendados,” in Moreno (1915, p. 126).
- 2.
On the importance of the Italian tradition of political economy to the Hispanic Ilustración , see Chiaramonte’s (1982, pp. 105–131) essay “Economistas italianos del Setecento en el Río de la Plata.”
- 3.
Moreno was not the first to deploy the idea in the region. Chiaramonte (1982) points to precursors such as Juan Baltasar Maziel, Victorián de Villava, Bernardo Monteagudo, and Juan Castelli. Rock (1987, p. 53), who signals the echo of the Medieval Spanish communitarian legal tradition, mentions that a spate of comunero revolts in Paraguay and Corrientes had used the doctrine. Lewin (1967, p. 20) notes that Dean Gregorio Funes was the first to debate Du Contrat social.
- 4.
I borrow a phrase from Jacques Derrida (2005, p. 52), actually on the concepts of human rights and crime against humanity (“Despite their ageless roots and foundations, these concepts are entirely young”).
- 5.
- 6.
- 7.
In an unsigned manuscript of Moreno’s explaining the deposition of governor Sobre Monte, Moreno justifies the move with the Roman maxim “Salus Republicae Suprema lex esto.” This is an amended version of the Ciceronian maxim, “Salus populii Suprema lex esto,” the welfare of the people should be the supreme law. Sobre Monte was replaced by Santiago Liniers. Dürnhöfer labels the piece “Transcripción de la Justificación de la deposición de Sobre Monte” (Dürnhöfer 1972, pp. 121–126).
- 8.
Derrida (2008, pp. 37–38).
- 9.
At Chuquisaca, Moreno had to graduate in Theology before moving on to Law. See Manuel Moreno (1968, p. 41).
- 10.
Thibaud notes that the innovative feature of the Academia Carolina was its yoking together of the “terreno abstracto de la escolástica” with a practical, transmissible knowledge of how laws might be applied to real life (2010, p. 65).
- 11.
See 9 June, 23 June, 5 and 12 July by the Patriota Español, and 11 October.
- 12.
“Orden de la Junta,” originally 2 June but published on 7 June (Gaceta 2008, p. 6).
- 13.
Scavino (2010), p. 2.
- 14.
Guerra (2009, p. 159). This entire paragraph is entirely indebted, first, to Chiaramonte, and, second, to Guerra.
- 15.
Guerra (2009, p. 290).
- 16.
The Siete Partidas (Alfonso X el Sabio n.d.) says in Part I, Title 2, Law 5, that “Pueblo quiere decir ayuntamiento de gentes,” while in Part II, Title 20, when it is a matter of cultivating the land in accordance with God’s command, pueblo is followed by repeated plural pronouns (e.g. “el pueblo debe esforzarse mucho por tener todas estas naturalezas con la tierra en que les agrada vivir”) that mean people in the plural sense of those who till the land.
- 17.
Chiaramonte (1982, p. 79) refers to the “simulación fernandista,” the belief among many historians that Creoles were merely pretending that everything is done in the name of the king.
- 18.
The Gazeta does allow space for an alternative vision of events, the shrewd, monarchist alternative of Dean Gregorio Funes (2008, pp. 258–266).
- 19.
I have benefited from reading an unpublished piece by Andrea Cassatella.
- 20.
In “Sobre la misión del congreso,” Moreno (1915) describes the ancient Spanish custom of coronation in which the new king would be sworn in in the public square while coins were thrown to the crowd. Sovereign deposits.
- 21.
The Regency and the juntas enjoy only “soberanías parciales,” and the king’s name, which should unite all, “no es otra cosa que un fantasma” (p. 262). Funes, “Parecer” (Gaceta 2008, pp. 258–266).
- 22.
Vitoria’s writings were compiled posthumously by his students.
- 23.
On this matter, see Pace (2014).
- 24.
For Pascal’s meditation on Montaigne’s formulation, see Derrida (1992, p. 11).
- 25.
I am borrowing from Michel Foucault’s theory of power in his work on sexuality (1984, pp. 92–93).
- 26.
In Moreno (1915).
- 27.
Rousseau (1782, Book 1, Chapter VI).
- 28.
When the many are subject to the one (to a king, prince, or tyrant), there is “an aggregation, but not an association” (p. 49). For Rousseau, if power can be transferred, the general will that bestows power and sovereignty cannot.
- 29.
I am very grateful to Joaquín Montalva Armanet for his suggestions on this chapter and particularly on this paragraph.
- 30.
See Scavino (2010) for some interesting comments on the essay.
- 31.
The piece is in Moreno (1915, pp. 265–268).
- 32.
This is almost exactly what Rousseau says in The Social Contract: the people need guides, education, and lights to bring about the union of will (which they possess) and understanding (which they lack); in short, they need the superior intelligence of the legislator. The legislator’s task in Rousseau is daunting. For the legislator who proposes to institute a people must change human nature, must suppress a people’s natural character and institute another one (pp. 76–77).
- 33.
Strictly speaking, translation predates the Prologue. Before Du Contrat social , Moreno had translated the Constitution of the United States, Vicardo y Guzmán’s totemic “Carta dirigida á los Españoles Americanos,” and Volney’s Les Ruines, Méditations sur les révolutions des empires. All these translations, together with facsimiles of Moreno’s manuscript versions of them, are contained in Dürnhöfer (1972).
- 34.
The phrase is Moreno’s. Cf. Derrida (1992, p. 35): “The foundation of all states occurs in a situation that we can thus call revolutionary.”
- 35.
He says that when Viceroy Cisneros was removed from power, the new junta kept all the external trappings (adornos) of authority, including the “continuación de las leyes antiguas … y de la administración de justicia” (1968, p. 160).
- 36.
See Chiaramonte (2010, pp. 87–95, 194–195). See also Shumway (1993). Something of the doctrine’s centralising zeal shines through Philip V of Spain’s words on his wish to bring the Crown of Aragon into line, his “deseo de reducir todos mis reinos de España a la uniformidad de unas mismas leyes, usos, costumbres y tribunales.” Cited in Guerra (2009, p. 82).
- 37.
- 38.
Dussel (1995, p. 11) opposes to an expansionist “Germanic” modernity, “the Other as oppressed, as woman, as racially marked, as excluded, as poor, as nature,” but also the “Hispanic tradition,” without elaborating on the ways in which it might constitute an emancipatory alternative. For Quijano (1993, pp. 151–152), emancipatory “historical reason” is still present in Latin America and is capable of resisting the dominant, instrumental reason of Europe and the USA. See also Escobar (2007, pp. 180 and 186) and Santos (2009, p. 115).
- 39.
See Guerra (2009, pp. 99–100) on the absolute, universal power of the Bourbon monarch versus Hispanic pactism.
- 40.
Elements of the remainder of this section are from my earlier essay (Sharman 2013), published with the permission of Cambridge Scholars Publishing.
- 41.
This account appears to coincide with Marx’s interpretation of the initial stages of the resistance published in the New York Daily Tribune in 1854. However, Marx reserves harsh words for the subsequent actions of the provincial juntas, which fell back on old, anti-revolutionary ways (see Sharman 2013).
- 42.
- 43.
The power of the clergy and the question of religious faith are downplayed by Portillo Valdés (2006).
- 44.
Marx was ultimately dismissive of the traditionalism, not to say reactionariness, of the Spanish provinces, especially in what concerns religion and the Church. See “Expulsion of the Bonapartes” (Marx 1854).
- 45.
I share Hamnett’s (2017) view that there is a certain rewriting of the past at work in these later discourses on the Spanish medieval political and legal tradition. The whole of his Chapter 8 repays attention.
- 46.
The “Plan” is in Moreno (1915). For the polemic surrounding it, see Pigna (2017, p. 294). For a fascinating discussion of the possibility that the “Plan” was influenced by Diderot’s anticolonialist 1780 edition of Raynal’s Histoire philosophique des deux Indes, see Mackinlay (2010). I agree entirely with Mackinlay that the “Plan” is not, as many commentators have suggested, out of keeping with Moreno’s revolutionary praxis. Mackinlay suggests that one of Moreno’s models is George Washington, not least because of Washington’s preparedness to use violence. Moreno (Dürnhöfer 1972) translated the American Constitution.
- 47.
See “Circular de la Junta á todos los Cabildos,” 16 July 1810.
- 48.
This is one reason why comparisons with the Iberian Scholastics are problematic. Pedro Calafate (2017) suggests that Scholasticism was characterised by its opposition to theories of sovereignty that would make the state the sole dispenser of rights, the Iberian tradition standing against the dominant modern European tradition in believing that the universal community is anterior to the law of nations, ius gentium, in other words, that human sociability precedes politics and law. In the case of Vitoria, however, one could argue against Calafate’s proposition. The key text is the third and final part of On the American Indians, where Vitoria (2017c) considers the “just titles” that Christian kings might have for occupying the New World.
- 49.
As mentioned above, this is from a piece by Moreno on the deposition of Sobre Monte (Dürnhöfer 1972, pp. 121–126).
- 50.
Regimientos: “conjunto de regidores de una población” (María Moliner, Diccionario de uso del español), something like a town council.
- 51.
- 52.
The phrase sounds as though the writer is advocating a scorched earth policy. In fact, the metaphor is picking up on Abascal’s pejorative phrase to describe Americans, cited three times in the article: “hombres destinados por la naturaleza, para vegetar en la obscuridad y el abatimiento” (men destined by nature to vegetate in darkness and despondency).
- 53.
The reference to slaves speaking Latin is probably a joke about Lima’s reputation as a traditional place. The piece is not above humour. It puns on Abascal’s name. Shortly after Abascal’s arrival in Lima, it says, three sacks appeared in the street, one full of salt (Sal), one of beans (Abas), and one of lime (Cal) (Gaceta 2008, p. 430). Sal is also the imperative of the verb salir, meaning “to leave, exit, go out.” Hence, “Get out, Abascal.”
- 54.
Chiaramonte (2007, p. 145) notes that other juntas saw the issue, the problem becoming Buenos Aires’ failure to go confederate.
- 55.
Rousseau (1966, pp. 131–132).
- 56.
See Chiaramonte (2007, p. 139).
- 57.
And a heavily militarised one too. By 1806, approximately 30% of the adult male population of Buenos Aires was serving in militias (Rock 1987, p. 73).
- 58.
Everything rests on the sanctity of the law of the established order, on which point Rousseau is entirely traditional.
- 59.
See Rousseau in Du Contrat social on the distinction between the legislator and the tyrant.
- 60.
Manuel Moreno says banishment was not an option, since the conspirators had used the ships that could carry them into exile to blockade Buenos Aires. Saavedra and associates would later exile many members of the expanded Buenos Aires Junta to different parts of the viceroyalty (Pigna 2017, pp. 400–401).
- 61.
In the context of Spain, Carr (1993, p. 58) calls it “municipal patriotism.”
- 62.
See 7 June, 14 June, 19 July, and 2 August 1810.
- 63.
See “Dictamen a pedimento del Excmo. Sr Virey” from 3 July 1810 (Gaceta 2008, p. 117). The piece is originally from 26 May.
- 64.
“Sobre la misión del congreso” appears simply as “Buenos Ayres 28 de octubre de 1810” and in much reduced form in the Gazeta , 1–6 November 1810 (Gaceta 2008, pp. 553–576).
- 65.
In his earlier work, Chiaramonte criticises nationalist historians for criticising the importation of abstract theories and models born in Europe. Chiaramonte (1982, p. 88) says that all theories are abstract, that that is what a theory is.
- 66.
For Saavedra’s tirade against Moreno and his “sistema Robespierriano,” see Pigna (2017, p. 379).
- 67.
For Apollonianism, see Paglia (1992).
- 68.
In Moreno (1915).
- 69.
Chiaramonte (2007, p. 140) discusses the confederation option. It is hard not to read the discussion as assuming the values that could precisely not be assumed at that time.
- 70.
When in Discipline and Punish Foucault (1986) says that individualisation in the past was reserved for those closest to sovereignty who occupied the higher echelons of power (i.e. the select few who mattered, not therefore “the masses”), while a modern, disciplinary regime, in contrast, practises a “descending” individualisation that individualises as many people as possible, he is precisely inverting the normal story of enlightened and liberal individualism. In the whole section “The Means of Correct Training,” modern individualisation is cast as the surest mechanism of control, as he puts together various combinations of the ideas of subjection and objectification. The examination manifests “the subjection of those who are perceived as objects and the objectification of those who are subjected” (pp. 184–185). Foucault does not so much challenge Enlightenment individualism as eviscerate it. To that extent, his is a traditional “critique” that believes itself outside the object of critique but which cannot really account for how it could possibly be outside the disciplinary network. That is, it cannot account for the warm feelings he famously experienced when prisoners wrote to thank him for revealing the truth about their condition (i.e. for liberating them from misunderstanding).
- 71.
See Portillo Valdés (2000, p. 341) for some penetrating remarks on the connections between Rousseau and Christian theology.
- 72.
“Sobre la misión del congreso” (Moreno 1915, p. 270).
- 73.
In “Circular del Excmo. Cabildo,” of 14 June, the Cabildo of Buenos Aires tells the story of the removal from office, by vote, of Viceroy Don Baltasar Cisneros, only for the Cabildo then to propose as the President of the new Buenos Aires Junta none other than Don Baltasar Cisneros. See Gaceta (2008).
- 74.
On the equality of Indian soldiers, see “Buenos-Ayres 8 de Junio de 1810,” Gazeta, 14 June 1810 (Gaceta 2008, p. 43); on the iniquity of slavery, “Plan de operaciones” (Moreno 1915); on the case of the woman whom Moreno defended, see the transcript of Moreno’s plea reproduced in Dürnhöfer (1972, pp. 203–209); on Moreno’s musings on the court intrigues of Carlos IV, see “Sucesos memorables,” reproduced in Dürnhöfer (1972, pp. 176–184); on the vagaries of political representation, see the Gazeta article from 9 August 1810 cited above.
- 75.
I am quoting Derrida (1992, p. 24).
- 76.
Pigna (2005, p. 281) recounts that one of Moreno’s contemporaries and fellow revolutionaries, Castelli, made efforts to translate some of the legal documents into Quechua and Aymara.
- 77.
“The undecidable is not merely the oscillation or the tension between two decisions; it is the experience of that which, though heterogeneous, foreign to the order of the calculable and the rule, is still obliged—it is of obligation that we must speak—to give itself up to the impossible decision, while taking account of law and rules. A decision that didn’t go through the ordeal of the undecidable would not be a free decision, it would only be the programmable application or unfolding of a calculable process. It might be legal; it would not be just” (Derrida 1992, p. 24).
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Sharman, A. (2020). Law: Prologue to Revolution: Mariano Moreno Translates Rousseau. In: Deconstructing the Enlightenment in Spanish America. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-37019-0_5
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