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Chikungunya and Epidemic Disease in the Indian Ocean World

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Disease Dispersion and Impact in the Indian Ocean World

Part of the book series: Palgrave Series in Indian Ocean World Studies ((IOWS))

Abstract

Twenty-five years ago, David Arnold (1991) published a pioneering article on the medical history of the Indian Ocean. In his wide-ranging essay, he emphasized the impact of European intrusion into the Indian Ocean world (IOW) after 1500, noting especially that “the emergence of India as the lynch pin of British power and trade in the East was of great epidemiological significance for the rest of the region and indeed the wider world beyond” (ibid., 7). Arnold particularly acknowledged the importance of maritime movement, whether by traders, soldiers, pilgrims or migrant labourers, as a central element in disease dispersion—what he called “epidemiological routes and conjunctures”—during the post-contact period (ibid., 9). More recently, Amina Issa (2006) has built on Arnold’s essay by arguing for the significance of indigenous sailing ships and the diffusion of epidemic disease in Indian Ocean ports in the nineteenth century before the advent of steamships. In this chapter, I propose to jump forward in time to the contemporary period by examining the chikungunya epidemic that swept across the IOW in the first decade of the twenty-first century, and to ask whether it is possible to apply what we have learned from studying the origins and spread of this disease to improving our understanding of earlier epidemic diseases in the IOW.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    For modern citations of Christie’s work, see Hartwig (1975, 63), Koponen (1988, 159–162, 173–176), Kjekshus (1996, 23–24) and Rockel (2006, 132), and the critical commentary by Echenberg (2011, 53).

  2. 2.

    Carey had studied endemic dengue in south India in the 1960s; when he published this article, he had a position at the Rockefeller Foundation of the University of Ibadan, Nigeria.

  3. 3.

    See also early reports in Paganin et al. (2006); Pierre et al. (2006); Josseran et al. (2006).

  4. 4.

    For an early report on the Indian epidemic, see Lahariya and Pradhan (2006).

  5. 5.

    Kajeguka et al. (2016, 7/9) conclude: “Chikungunya virus appears to be actively circulating in the population”, which is not surprising given its endemic character in Africa.

  6. 6.

    More generally, Siddhartha Mukherjee (2016, 33) notes that “viruses prefer to travel these days—on transcontinental airplanes”.

  7. 7.

    For a simplified synopsis, see Anon. (2007).

  8. 8.

    For a recent example of how this mosquito and this disease have invaded a new urban territory, see Kampango and Abílio (2016), Gudo et al. (2015).

  9. 9.

    For a discussion of “the current geographic range and the relevant biological traits of A. albopictus in order to explain its rapid spread”, see Paupy et al. (2009); also Delatte et al. (2011).

  10. 10.

    From a contemporary public health perspective, both dengue (DENV) and the zika virus are clearly important comparisons, especially as they relate to tropical islands like the Mascarenes. See Cao-Lormeau (2016).

  11. 11.

    Here I must note the very great significance of the inauguration of the combined archival and historical archaeological research at the Bois Marchand Cemetery in Mauritius, a burial place specifically opened to deal with the exceptional number of deaths caused by the malaria epidemic of 1866–1867, being led by Krish Seetah of Stanford University and recounted to us at the 2016 conference (see British Library 2016).

  12. 12.

    Anderson here cites his 1890 lecture on these events, to which I refer below.

  13. 13.

    I have found no other reference to this ship, to which Anderson attributes so much significance. Boodhoo (2010, 185) mentions an unnamed “fever stricken ship that had been quarantined off the coast of Albion four months earlier” than the November 1865 outbreak of malaria at Albion estate, located a short way south of Port Louis near Petite Rivière. Perhaps, this ship was the iconic Spunky.

  14. 14.

    This link between the study of disease history and labour migration in Mauritius is a topic that Yoshina Hurgobin (2016) has discussed in a pioneering collection of essays on medicine in the Indian Ocean World (Winterbottom and Tesfaye eds. 2016).

  15. 15.

    For a parallel case of faster steamship travel being the source for the introduction of malignant malaria to northeast Brazil, see Oliveira-Ferreira et al. (2010).

  16. 16.

    For the Seychelles, see Robert et al. (2011). For the parallel extinction of indigenous birds on the Mascarenes as a consequence of “anthropogenic activities”, see Hume (2013).

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Acknowledgements

I would like to thank Cal Margulis for his usual efficient research assistance and Ruby Bell-Gam, Librarian for African Studies and International Development Studies, for always tracking down difficult to access material for me through the Young Research Library at UCLA. I am also grateful to my brother, David H. Alpers, M.D., Emeritus William B. Kountz Professor of Medicine, Washington University School of Medicine, for his critical reading of an earlier draft of this chapter and for directing me to some important new sources. Finally, I am indebted to the two organizers of this conference, Gwyn Campbell and Burkhard Schnepel, for their incisive comments on and inspiring suggestions for this chapter.

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Alpers, E.A. (2020). Chikungunya and Epidemic Disease in the Indian Ocean World. In: Campbell, G., Knoll, EM. (eds) Disease Dispersion and Impact in the Indian Ocean World. Palgrave Series in Indian Ocean World Studies. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-36264-5_9

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