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‘Gross Indecency Between Females’: The 1921 Parliamentary Debates

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Abstract

The deliberate silencing of sex between women was overtly articulated in 1921 parliamentary debates on creating an offence of ‘gross indecency between females’. The amendment passed the House of Commons but was rejected by the House of Lords, making a significant yet contradictory moment when a policy reliant upon silence was publicly discussed. This chapter analyses those debates and their wider significance. It places them within a context of social disruptions and anxieties around gender, race, and class. While their most obvious cause was the First World War and its aftermath, others included the progress of the women’s movement, sexology and the sex reform movement, and women’s entrance into public life, particularly in the courts and legislature. The debates’ ultimate reassertion of silencing made them a paradoxical moment of lesbian invisibility and hypervisibility, which set the tone for the following decades.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    There was only one woman MP sitting in the House, Lady Nancy Astor, who did not speak in the amendment debates.

  2. 2.

    It passed the Commons with 148 votes in favour to 53 against, meaning that only about a third of MPs voted.

  3. 3.

    The Home Secretary’s comments were directed to an amendment making consenting 15-year-olds criminally responsible. The amendment, which he opposed, was rejected.

  4. 4.

    Macquisten did try to introduce it, and other amendments, in 1922. Again his apparent aim was to delay the Bill. His efforts were unsuccessful as the Speaker ruled the amendment outside the scope of the Bill (Mr Speaker, HC 25/07/1922, col. 365; Waites 2002, p. 331). That was a return to the legislative silencing which had seen the Home Secretary refuse to consider legislation criminalising sexual conduct between women in 1913 (Wedgwood, HC 04/08/1921, col. 1802; Ferris 1993; Doan 1997, p. 545).

  5. 5.

    Carol Smart (2000, p. 62) notes that similar perceptions of reform as an attack on men were expressed in the 1922 debates.

  6. 6.

    For contrasting interpretations, see Weeks (2016, p. 15) and Brady (2016, p. 92).

  7. 7.

    I am indebted to Julia Laite for this information; she discusses Neilans’s relationship in an unpublished forthcoming chapter.

  8. 8.

    See previous chapters, notably the discussion of Woods and Pirie v Cumming Gordon (Chap. 3) and Mourey (Chap. 4).

  9. 9.

    Until 1968, plays had to be licensed for public performance by the Lord Chamberlain.

  10. 10.

    Proceedings for criminal libel were more common than civil claims during this period since under the Libel Act 1843, a defendant would only be acquitted upon proving both the truth of the libel and that publication was for the public benefit.

  11. 11.

    For further discussion of press reporting, see Doan (2001, pp. 32–33) and Oram (2016, pp. 171–72). Press reports were obscure and unintelligible for many readers, particularly working-class readers (Oram 2007, p. 57; Bland 1998; Cohler 2010, pp. 140–42).

  12. 12.

    Eugenics advocated scientific breeding for the benefit of the race , and childbearing as the duty of every healthy woman. Its followers came from a wide range of political viewpoints and included sexologist Havelock Ellis and a number of socialist and feminist writers (Weeks 2016, p. 91; Richardson 2003).

  13. 13.

    For a discussion of the complex relationship between sexology and feminism see Hall (2004).

  14. 14.

    The primary purpose of the prosecution seems to have been to destroy the Legitimation League, a ‘free love’ organisation whose meetings provided a platform for anarchists and of which Bedborough was secretary; he pleaded guilty (Weeks 2000, pp. 27–28; Humpherys 2006, pp. 1–2).

  15. 15.

    Euphemisms predominated, with only Macquisten referring directly to ‘homosexual immorality’ and Wedgwood referencing ‘Lesbian vice’ (HC 04/08/1921, cols. 1800 and 1801).

  16. 16.

    Key legislation included the Education Act 1918; Housing and Town Planning Act 1919; Unemployment Insurance Act 1920; Sex Disqualification (Removal) Act 1919; Representation of the People Act 1918; and Parliament (Qualification of Women) Act 1918.

  17. 17.

    Contemporary understandings of female adolescence also fed into the idea of the mid-teens posing greater sexual risk for working-class girls than their middle-class peers (Oldfield 2001, pp. 68–71).

  18. 18.

    Jeffrey Green (2003, pp. 47–48) comments upon the lack of a colour line or overt racial antagonism in nineteenth-century Britain in contrast to the United States. While the most visible members of Britain’s ethnic minorities at that time were those who formed part of Queen Victoria’s court and, at the other social extreme, foreign sailors , black people had lived in every part of Britain in the nineteenth century (Killingray 2003, p. 51).

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Derry, C. (2020). ‘Gross Indecency Between Females’: The 1921 Parliamentary Debates. In: Lesbianism and the Criminal Law . Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-35300-1_4

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