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Community Psychological Practice and a Note on Rehabilitation in Corrections

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Psychotherapy and the Social Clinic in the United States
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Abstract

Community psychological practice fails but largely because funds are inadequate to sustain its programs, notably housing, and supportive care. The resistance to adequate funding has not been surmounted by strategies of political activism. The organization of vulnerable, needy, and poorer people for political power is very unlikely to succeed. The list of similar attempts contains a greater number of heroic tragedies and tyrannies than successes. There is no successful discipline of political, social, or psychological liberation.

Community psychological practice and rehabilitation in corrections have failed to achieve their goals for two principal reasons. The wrong interventions are pursued and the American public is unwilling to allocate appropriate resources. The provision of decent community care, notably for offenders as well as patients with chronic mental and emotional disorders is very expensive. The social clinic is much less expensive. Neglect is even cheaper.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Kirk et al. (2013) provide a far bleaker interpretation of the training in community living experiment. They question its outcomes, design, and use of coercion. To the extent to which their analysis is correct, the problem of providing care for the chronically mentally ill is that much more problematic and the community of mental health practitioners and scholars that much more incapable of addressing their defining problems. Also see, Gomory (unpublished).

  2. 2.

    The data in the study’s tables often conflict with the data in write-ups, a point of sloppiness or deceit that raises additional questions about the credibility of the research.

  3. 3.

    Nelson et al.’s (2014) Community Psychology and Community Mental Health: Towards Transformative Change is a fine example of the genre. To demonstrate the success of mass mobilization, Levine and Perkins (1997) point to school desegregation but fail to acknowledge the resegregation of the public school system, the rise of public funding for private education, and increasingly homogeneous living patterns. Dalton et al. (2001) are confident community organization and empowerment are successful and ignore the most glaring obstacle to their success: Poor neighborhoods and communities—the objects of community organization and empowerment efforts—lack the resources or political strength to address their problems. Community organization as outreach—agricultural extension workers, public health nurses—has demonstrated some success. However, if the goal is political and social change through mass mobilization, it has been a consistent failure in the United States and internationally. Kagan et al. (2011) build an argument for “critical” community psychology—the authors’ injunction to “Think!”—that attributes to weak research and professional agency the glow of scientific coherence while assuming that political decision making was grounded in the rational.

  4. 4.

    Much of the research concerning the effectiveness of psychopharmacology is ambiguous and misleading. As Angell noted, the Federal Drug Administration must certify a medication as safe and effective before it can be sold. However, certification requires only two demonstrations of effectiveness among what could be a much larger number of randomized controlled trials. Not surprisingly, positive findings are widely publicized; negative findings are kept in file drawers. Rush et al. (2006) offer an example of the common gaming of research in psychiatry—the complicity of government, industry, and professional practice sustained by popular belief. The experiment explores whether switching antidepressants is effective after the first drug fails. Patients with a nonpsychotic major depressive disorder who failed to respond to Citalopram were randomized to one of four groups to receive one of four different antidepressant medications. Remission rates were between 18 and 25% and the authors declare success. However, the research did not include a placebo control and thus the outcomes can be attributed to natural remission, in this case, the seasonality of depression. There was no credible finding that the remission was due to the new drugs. The authors of the study list extensive commercial ties to the pharmaceutical industry. The research was published in the New England Journal of Medicine.

  5. 5.

    The literature concerning the effectiveness of clinical rehabilitation programs in reducing criminal recidivism is too vast be summarized in a few pages. It deserves a multi-volume treatment. The present effort to characterize the credibility of the research attempts a few tentative conclusions concerning the credibility of the evidence and its broader implications for social policy. As in previous chapters, this discussion relies on the best meta-analyses and the most credible primary research. The current process is necessarily less intense than previous discussions and fewer examples are provided. Still, a curious challenge to the research is not easily dispelled. The consistently but by no means universally reported positive effects on recidivism may be better explained by nonclinical factors associated with treatment than by treatment itself.

  6. 6.

    For a more detailed discussion of the controversy, see Epstein (1993).

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Epstein, W.M. (2019). Community Psychological Practice and a Note on Rehabilitation in Corrections. In: Psychotherapy and the Social Clinic in the United States. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-32750-7_9

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