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Violence and Pacifism: Writing the History of the Anglo-world from Within

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Benevolent Colonizers in Nineteenth-Century Australia

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Abstract

By adhering to pacifist principles and humanitarian values, Quakers questioned methods and approaches of British colonialism, but not necessarily the exertion of violence—for example, in self-defence or by representatives of the government. It is therefore crucial to determine Quaker notions of the threshold between the exertion of legitimate and illegitimate use of force. Thus, violence and pacifism is not a pair of binary concepts, but the object of this historical investigation which opens up a window into everyday Quaker lives and experiences. It follows the metal maps of early nineteenth-century Quakers, their travels as well as their writings from seventeenth-century Pennsylvania to nineteenth-century South Australia, adopting different historical perspectives in terms of width and length, zooming in and out in a “jeux d’échelles” (Revel).

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Notes

  1. 1.

    TUA, S 1/A/1, Vol. 1, pp. 3–11.

  2. 2.

    Oats estimates that 987 Friends arrived in the Australian colonies between 1788 and 1861 (with a total population of 1,145,585 in 1860 by comparison); see: Oats 1985, p. 39 and “Population by Sex, States and Territories, 31 December, 1788 onwards (Table 1.1),” Australian Historical Population Statistics 2014, http://www.abs.gov.au/AUSSTATS/abs@.nsf/DetailsPage/3105.0.65.0012014? OpenDocument, last access 20 January 2017.

  3. 3.

    Magnússon and Szíjártó 2013, p. 19. See also: Peltonen 2001.

  4. 4.

    Bayly 1989, p. 2. For a settler colonial perspective see also: Morgensen 2011.

  5. 5.

    Revel 1995, pp. 495–96.

  6. 6.

    de Certeau 2011, p. 117.

  7. 7.

    See Wahrman 2010 and Smandych 2013.

  8. 8.

    There is, of course, a vibrant scholarship on the history, sociology, and anthropology of violence, which has produced rich body of literature, ranging from Bauman 1989 to Sofsky 1996, Reemtsma 2008 to Butler 2009. Some of my empirical results will implicitly relate back to these debates especially when considering the genocidal practices at the Tasmanian frontier. These general theoretical considerations are, however, neither the aim nor the focus of my study.

  9. 9.

    Scheper-Hughes and Bourgois 2007b, pp. 2, 5.

  10. 10.

    Ibid., p. 4. See also: Stoler 1995; Rao and Pierce 2006; Price 2018.

  11. 11.

    Weddle 2001, pp. 17–54.

  12. 12.

    Abruzzo 2011, pp. 50–84.

  13. 13.

    Randeria 2012.

  14. 14.

    Brewer 2010; Epple 2013; Putnam 2006; Struck et al. 2011.

  15. 15.

    Trivellato 2011, p. 3.

  16. 16.

    Levi 2001.

  17. 17.

    Revel 1995, pp. 495–96.

  18. 18.

    Gregory 1999, p. 109.

  19. 19.

    On a constructivist concept of space, see: Massey 2011; de Certeau 2011; Soja 2011; Lefebvre 2011.

  20. 20.

    Trivellato 2011, pp. 12–13.

  21. 21.

    Werner and Zimmermann 2006 (first published in 2002).

  22. 22.

    Ibid., p. 46.

  23. 23.

    Ibid., p. 49.

  24. 24.

    Esslinger et al. 2010.

  25. 25.

    Turner 1920. Prominent critiques are: Forbes 1959 and Nash 1991.

  26. 26.

    “John Gast, American Progress (1872), chromolithograph, 37.6 × 49 cm published by George A. Crofutt, (original oil on Canvas, 12 3/4 × 16 3/4 in),” Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division Washington, DC, http://hdl.loc.gov/loc.pnp/pp.print, last access 2 January 2017.

  27. 27.

    Veracini 2011, p. 207.

  28. 28.

    On North America see: White 2011; with regard to the Pacific Dening 2004.

  29. 29.

    Pratt 1992, p. 6.

  30. 30.

    Greer 2012; Evans 2001; Finzsch 2013.

  31. 31.

    Veracini 2011, p. 207.

  32. 32.

    Kundrus 2003b, p. 7 (translation EB). See also: Zantop 1997; Friedrichsmeyer et al. 1998; Guettel 2010. See also: Altenbernd and Young 2014.

  33. 33.

    Davis, N.Z. 1988, p. 30.

  34. 34.

    Said 1993; Hall 2000; Hopkins 2002; Magee and Thompson 2010; Burton 2010.

  35. 35.

    Burton 2003; Ghosh 2012; Hirschhausen 2015. With regard to Australian history see: Paisley 2003.

  36. 36.

    MacKenzie 1986a; MacKenzie 1986b; Wilson 2004; Howe 2010. Robert Bickers alternatively speaks of the “Manchester school of British imperial history” (Bickers 2010b, p. 12).

  37. 37.

    For instance, the exchange between Bernard Porter and John M. MacKenzie: Porter 2004, p. ix; Porter 2008; MacKenzie 2008; MacKenzie 2011b, p. 63.

  38. 38.

    Gregerson and Juster 2011; Howard 2011; Lake 2011.

  39. 39.

    Carey 2011.

  40. 40.

    Comaroff and Comaroff 1986. See also: Elbourne 2002a; Porter 2005; Etherington 2009; Ballantyne 2014; Habermas 2008.

  41. 41.

    Johnston 2001; Johnston 2003; Mitchell 2011.

  42. 42.

    Hall 2009; Hall 2012; Lester 2001; Lester and Lambert 2006; Ballantyne 2012.

  43. 43.

    Ballantyne 2014, p. 17.

  44. 44.

    Ibid. See also: Fedorowich and Thompson 2013b, p. 4.

  45. 45.

    Rothschild 2011. See also: Magee and Thompson 2010.

  46. 46.

    Benchmark publications are Davis, N.Z. 2006; Colley 2007; Foster 2010; McKenzie 2010.

  47. 47.

    Kraft et al. 2010b, p. 11.

  48. 48.

    Levi 2001, pp. 104–6.

  49. 49.

    Andrade 2010, p. 591.

  50. 50.

    Pickles 2011, pp. 86–87. The conferences’ proceedings were published as a special issue of the Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History (Bridge and Fedorowich 2003a). See also: Buckner and Francis 2005. Other proceedings followed: Buckner and Francis 2006; Fedorowich and Thompson 2013a; Harper and Constantine 2010.

  51. 51.

    Fedorowich and Thompson 2013b, p. 2.

  52. 52.

    Keown et al. 2009b, p. 1.

  53. 53.

    Braziel and Mannur 2003b, p. 1.

  54. 54.

    Gilroy 1993.

  55. 55.

    Safran 1991; Clifford 1994; Clifford 1999. Clifford’s arguments have recently been taken up again by Banerjee 2012, pp. 4–5.

  56. 56.

    The following summary relies on the overviews presented by Banerjee 2012 and Braziel and Mannur 2003b.

  57. 57.

    Gilroy 2004, p. 123.

  58. 58.

    I am transferring this term from R. Connell’s description of the relationship between minor and hegemonic masculinities. Connell speaks of a “patriarchal dividend,” which all men benefit from, regardless of their masculinity, be it minor or hegemonic (Connell 1995, p. 79).

  59. 59.

    Butler 2001, p. 202. See also Cohen’s typology of diasporas in Cohen 2008, p. 1. For an excellent overview over this field of research, see: Laidlaw 2012a.

  60. 60.

    For instance: Landes 2015, p. 7 and Healey 2011.

  61. 61.

    Freitag and Oppen 2010b, p. 8. See also: Freitag 2005; Paulmann 2013, pp. 668–69.

  62. 62.

    Freitag and Oppen 2010b, p. 5. Their concept is thus much more clearly defined than the notion of the “translocal” Fedorowich suggests applying to the British World (Fedorowich and Thompson 2013b, p. 4).

  63. 63.

    Freitag and Oppen 2010b, p. 6.

  64. 64.

    Bridge and Fedorowich 2003b, p. 3. See also Darwin 2010 (proposing “imperial Britishness,” ibid., p. 396) and Dubow 2009. Similarly: Fedorowich and Thompson 2013b, p. 4.

  65. 65.

    Ward 2008; Bickers 2010a; Dubow 2009; Barton 2010.

  66. 66.

    Ward 2008, pp. 229–31. The very term “British” emerged from a colonial situation during the eighteenth century to describe North American colonists of English, Welsh, Scottish, and Irish heritage in contrast to colonial Others on the one hand and competing European colonists on the other (Bridge and Fedorowich 2003b, p. 3). John MacKenzie (2010) suggests to think about “four nations” (Irish, Scottish, Welsh, English) rather than speaking of a unified British identity.

  67. 67.

    Richards 2013, p. 42.

  68. 68.

    Howe 2012, p. 693; Pickles 2011.

  69. 69.

    Lawson 2014a, pp. 204–5.

  70. 70.

    Veracini 2010a, p. 6. See also: Stasiulis and Yuval-Davis 1995; Wolfe 1999; Elkins and Pedersen 2005; Goldstein and Lubin 2008; Hinkson 2012; Osterhammel 2010, pp. 191, 194–97; Bayly 2009, pp. 132–34; Wilson 2009, p. 125 (quote).

  71. 71.

    Veracini 2010a, pp. 3, 6.

  72. 72.

    Ibid., pp. 5–6.

  73. 73.

    Banivanua Mar and Edmonds 2010b, p. 4.

  74. 74.

    Wolfe 2006, p. 387.

  75. 75.

    Originally open access, the journal moved to Taylor & Francis in 2013.

  76. 76.

    Ehrensaft and Armstrong 1978; Denoon 1983; Brooks 1996.

  77. 77.

    Lloyd et al. 2013; Sessions 2011; Veracini 2006. Lorenzo Veracini claims that this shift in perspective derived from critical writings of twentieth-century anti-colonial activists and the strive for self-determination of Indigenous peoples (Veracini 2013, pp. 318, 324–25).

  78. 78.

    Stoler and McGranahan 2007, pp. 8–12, quote p. 8.

  79. 79.

    Wolfe 2006, p. 388.

  80. 80.

    Belich 2009, p. 6. He distinguishes this concept clearly from the neoconservative project of “Anglosphere.” See also: Vucetic 2011, pp. 1–21.

  81. 81.

    Weaver 2003; Banner 2007; Belich 2009. These studies tie in with an increased interest in the history of the so-called British World.

  82. 82.

    Russell 2001; Evans et al. 2003; Belmessous 2012.

  83. 83.

    Banner 2007; Ford 2010, pp. 187–88.

  84. 84.

    Weaver 2003; Finzsch 2008b.

  85. 85.

    See, in addition to Weaver 2003; Banner 2007; Belich 2009.

  86. 86.

    Griffiths and Robin 1997; Belich 2009; Lloyd et al. 2013.

  87. 87.

    Cain and Hopkins 2002. See also: Cain 2013.

  88. 88.

    Finzsch 2010, p. 253.

  89. 89.

    Nixon 2009, p. 445. See also Patrick Wolfe’s suggestion to think about settler colonial genocide as structure and as an event: Wolfe 2010.

  90. 90.

    Finzsch 2010, p. 254.

  91. 91.

    Ibid., pp. 253–54.

  92. 92.

    Ibid., p. 254.

  93. 93.

    Wolfe 2013.

  94. 94.

    With regard to Tasmanian history, this includes Boyce 2008; Cameron 2011; Ryan 2012; Moneypenny 1995/96; Merry 2003.

  95. 95.

    Ford 2013, p. 4; Rowse 2014. See also: Wolfe 2013.

  96. 96.

    Behrendt 2012, p. 184; Reynolds 2003, pp. 99–125, 99; Reynolds 2014.

  97. 97.

    Nworah 1971; Rainger 1980; Swaisland 2000; Mitcham 2002; Blackstock 2006.

  98. 98.

    Heartfield 2011.

  99. 99.

    Laidlaw 2002; Laidlaw 2004. On the work of the committee in general, see: Elbourne 2003.

  100. 100.

    Lester 2008a, p. 34.

  101. 101.

    See also: Lester 2006, 2009, pp. 71–76.

  102. 102.

    Brantlinger 2008, pp. 17–20. See also: McLisky 2005; Unrau 1976.

  103. 103.

    Key publications being: Iriye 2002; Forsythe 2005; Simms and Trim 2011; Moyn 2012; Iriye et al. 2012; Eckel 2014; Cabanes 2014. An exception to this rule is: Bass 2008, who looks back to the first half of the nineteenth century, considering the 1830s international task force to Greece (ibid., pp. 45–151).

  104. 104.

    Stamatov 2013, p. 1; Barnett 2011, p. 75.

  105. 105.

    Barnett 2011, p. 75.

  106. 106.

    Samson 1998; Lester 2002; Lambert and Lester 2004; Skinner and Lester 2012a; Harvey 2013, Ford 2014.

  107. 107.

    Lester 2001, p. 4. Similarly: Laidlaw 2012b, p. 751.

  108. 108.

    Lester and Dussart 2014, pp. 2–3.

  109. 109.

    Lester 2008a, p. 42.

  110. 110.

    Wolfe 2006, p. 387; Lester 2008a, p. 42. Some postcolonial critics argue that twenty-first-century humanitarian policies still operate on the same notions of “cure, improvement, civility and good governance” and the “need to overcome misery by eradicating the barbaric and the uncivilized,” actively perpetuating a form of colonial governmentality (Dutton 2009, p. 309).

  111. 111.

    Laidlaw 2012b, p. 751.

  112. 112.

    Hilton 1991, pp. 3–5.

  113. 113.

    McLisky 2005, p. 57.

  114. 114.

    For instance: Elbourne 2002a, pp. 41–44.

  115. 115.

    Barnett 2011, pp. 49–56, 49 (quote).

  116. 116.

    Stamatov 2013, pp. 24–72, 45 (quote).

  117. 117.

    Barnett 2011, pp. 57–75; Stamatov 2013, pp. 97–124.

  118. 118.

    Ward 2008, p. 225.

  119. 119.

    Lester 2008a, p. 28. See also Johnston 2011 on Lancelot E. Threkeld, his radical support of Aboriginal rights, and the controversy he ignited amongst his contemporaries as well.

  120. 120.

    Edmonds 2012; Laidlaw 2004 and Laidlaw 2007.

  121. 121.

    Veracini 2010b, p. 148; Curthoys 2010, p. 232.

  122. 122.

    Veracini 2010b, p. 151.

  123. 123.

    Feierstein 2012, p. 28.

  124. 124.

    Brantlinger 2003, pp. 1 (quote), 123.

  125. 125.

    Ibid., p. 124. See also: Curthoys 2010, p. 234.

  126. 126.

    Lawson 2014a, pp. 154–57, 156. See also: Lawson 2014b.

  127. 127.

    Melville 1835; West 1852; Bonwick 1870; Calder 1875.

  128. 128.

    Curthoys 2005.

  129. 129.

    Fitzmaurice 2010.

  130. 130.

    Jacobs 1999, p. 105; Moses 2010b. See also: Butcher 2013.

  131. 131.

    Archival research at the beginning of the twenty-first century unearthed the chapter and it was edited by Ann Curthoys (Lemkin 2005b). It is not part of Lemkin 2005a, first published in 1944.

  132. 132.

    Moses 2012. With regard to the link between Australian and German history see: Barta 2001.

  133. 133.

    Turnbull 1966 (first published in 1948).

  134. 134.

    Madley 2004. Only Breen 2011, writing from a North Atlantic/Eurocentric perspective completely ignorant of both Australian debates and central works in the field of Genocide Studies, declares the Tasmanian genocide to be “forgotten.”

  135. 135.

    Plomley 1991, p. 18.

  136. 136.

    Ibid., p. 17. His interpretation of the settler-Aboriginal conflict as “inevitable” also resonates with nineteenth-century settler colonial discourse.

  137. 137.

    To name only three, most influential ones: Ryan 1996 (first issued 1981), Reynolds 2006 (first published 1981), and Reynolds 1995. He substantiated his position in Reynolds 2001, 2004, and 2013. It is important to note, however, that Reynolds traces settler violence and its impact on Aboriginal Tasmanians but insists that the Indigenous people were not helpless victims and that colonial Tasmania does not constitute a case of genocide (in view of the UN definition). Instead, he emphasises, Aboriginal Tasmanians fought a guerrilla war. “Whether Governor Arthur,” reacting to this threat, “strayed over the unmarked border between warfare to genocide cannot be answered with any certainty” (Reynolds 2004, p. 147).

  138. 138.

    Windschuttle 2003, pp. 2–3.

  139. 139.

    Manne 2003; Ryan 2012; Johnston and Rolls 2008b, p. 14. For a comprehensive overview on recent debates see: Rogers and Bain 2016.

  140. 140.

    Madley 2004; Finzsch 2008a; Mann 2013; Scheerer 2014.

  141. 141.

    Spencer 2013, p. 607. Prominent works in this line of argument are Curthoys and Docker 2001; Moses 2002; Finzsch 2010; Zimmerer 2004; Schaller and Zimmerer 2008.

  142. 142.

    On the notion of “symbolic genocide” and its role in post-genocidal societies see Feierstein 2012, pp. 27–28, 28 (quote).

  143. 143.

    Goldhagen 1996.

  144. 144.

    Wolfe 2010.

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      Bischoff, E. (2020). Violence and Pacifism: Writing the History of the Anglo-world from Within. In: Benevolent Colonizers in Nineteenth-Century Australia. Cambridge Imperial and Post-Colonial Studies Series. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-32667-8_2

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