Abstract
By adhering to pacifist principles and humanitarian values, Quakers questioned methods and approaches of British colonialism, but not necessarily the exertion of violence—for example, in self-defence or by representatives of the government. It is therefore crucial to determine Quaker notions of the threshold between the exertion of legitimate and illegitimate use of force. Thus, violence and pacifism is not a pair of binary concepts, but the object of this historical investigation which opens up a window into everyday Quaker lives and experiences. It follows the metal maps of early nineteenth-century Quakers, their travels as well as their writings from seventeenth-century Pennsylvania to nineteenth-century South Australia, adopting different historical perspectives in terms of width and length, zooming in and out in a “jeux d’échelles” (Revel).
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Notes
- 1.
TUA, S 1/A/1, Vol. 1, pp. 3–11.
- 2.
Oats estimates that 987 Friends arrived in the Australian colonies between 1788 and 1861 (with a total population of 1,145,585 in 1860 by comparison); see: Oats 1985, p. 39 and “Population by Sex, States and Territories, 31 December, 1788 onwards (Table 1.1),” Australian Historical Population Statistics 2014, http://www.abs.gov.au/AUSSTATS/abs@.nsf/DetailsPage/3105.0.65.0012014? OpenDocument, last access 20 January 2017.
- 3.
- 4.
- 5.
Revel 1995, pp. 495–96.
- 6.
de Certeau 2011, p. 117.
- 7.
- 8.
There is, of course, a vibrant scholarship on the history, sociology, and anthropology of violence, which has produced rich body of literature, ranging from Bauman 1989 to Sofsky 1996, Reemtsma 2008 to Butler 2009. Some of my empirical results will implicitly relate back to these debates especially when considering the genocidal practices at the Tasmanian frontier. These general theoretical considerations are, however, neither the aim nor the focus of my study.
- 9.
Scheper-Hughes and Bourgois 2007b, pp. 2, 5.
- 10.
- 11.
Weddle 2001, pp. 17–54.
- 12.
Abruzzo 2011, pp. 50–84.
- 13.
Randeria 2012.
- 14.
- 15.
Trivellato 2011, p. 3.
- 16.
Levi 2001.
- 17.
Revel 1995, pp. 495–96.
- 18.
Gregory 1999, p. 109.
- 19.
- 20.
Trivellato 2011, pp. 12–13.
- 21.
Werner and Zimmermann 2006 (first published in 2002).
- 22.
Ibid., p. 46.
- 23.
Ibid., p. 49.
- 24.
Esslinger et al. 2010.
- 25.
- 26.
“John Gast, American Progress (1872), chromolithograph, 37.6 × 49 cm published by George A. Crofutt, (original oil on Canvas, 12 3/4 × 16 3/4 in),” Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division Washington, DC, http://hdl.loc.gov/loc.pnp/pp.print, last access 2 January 2017.
- 27.
Veracini 2011, p. 207.
- 28.
- 29.
Pratt 1992, p. 6.
- 30.
- 31.
Veracini 2011, p. 207.
- 32.
- 33.
Davis, N.Z. 1988, p. 30.
- 34.
- 35.
- 36.
- 37.
- 38.
- 39.
Carey 2011.
- 40.
- 41.
- 42.
- 43.
Ballantyne 2014, p. 17.
- 44.
Ibid. See also: Fedorowich and Thompson 2013b, p. 4.
- 45.
- 46.
- 47.
Kraft et al. 2010b, p. 11.
- 48.
Levi 2001, pp. 104–6.
- 49.
Andrade 2010, p. 591.
- 50.
Pickles 2011, pp. 86–87. The conferences’ proceedings were published as a special issue of the Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History (Bridge and Fedorowich 2003a). See also: Buckner and Francis 2005. Other proceedings followed: Buckner and Francis 2006; Fedorowich and Thompson 2013a; Harper and Constantine 2010.
- 51.
Fedorowich and Thompson 2013b, p. 2.
- 52.
Keown et al. 2009b, p. 1.
- 53.
Braziel and Mannur 2003b, p. 1.
- 54.
Gilroy 1993.
- 55.
- 56.
- 57.
Gilroy 2004, p. 123.
- 58.
I am transferring this term from R. Connell’s description of the relationship between minor and hegemonic masculinities. Connell speaks of a “patriarchal dividend,” which all men benefit from, regardless of their masculinity, be it minor or hegemonic (Connell 1995, p. 79).
- 59.
- 60.
- 61.
- 62.
- 63.
Freitag and Oppen 2010b, p. 6.
- 64.
- 65.
- 66.
Ward 2008, pp. 229–31. The very term “British” emerged from a colonial situation during the eighteenth century to describe North American colonists of English, Welsh, Scottish, and Irish heritage in contrast to colonial Others on the one hand and competing European colonists on the other (Bridge and Fedorowich 2003b, p. 3). John MacKenzie (2010) suggests to think about “four nations” (Irish, Scottish, Welsh, English) rather than speaking of a unified British identity.
- 67.
Richards 2013, p. 42.
- 68.
- 69.
Lawson 2014a, pp. 204–5.
- 70.
- 71.
Veracini 2010a, pp. 3, 6.
- 72.
Ibid., pp. 5–6.
- 73.
Banivanua Mar and Edmonds 2010b, p. 4.
- 74.
Wolfe 2006, p. 387.
- 75.
Originally open access, the journal moved to Taylor & Francis in 2013.
- 76.
- 77.
- 78.
Stoler and McGranahan 2007, pp. 8–12, quote p. 8.
- 79.
Wolfe 2006, p. 388.
- 80.
- 81.
- 82.
- 83.
- 84.
- 85.
- 86.
- 87.
- 88.
Finzsch 2010, p. 253.
- 89.
- 90.
Finzsch 2010, p. 254.
- 91.
Ibid., pp. 253–54.
- 92.
Ibid., p. 254.
- 93.
Wolfe 2013.
- 94.
- 95.
- 96.
- 97.
- 98.
Heartfield 2011.
- 99.
- 100.
Lester 2008a, p. 34.
- 101.
- 102.
- 103.
Key publications being: Iriye 2002; Forsythe 2005; Simms and Trim 2011; Moyn 2012; Iriye et al. 2012; Eckel 2014; Cabanes 2014. An exception to this rule is: Bass 2008, who looks back to the first half of the nineteenth century, considering the 1830s international task force to Greece (ibid., pp. 45–151).
- 104.
- 105.
Barnett 2011, p. 75.
- 106.
- 107.
- 108.
Lester and Dussart 2014, pp. 2–3.
- 109.
Lester 2008a, p. 42.
- 110.
Wolfe 2006, p. 387; Lester 2008a, p. 42. Some postcolonial critics argue that twenty-first-century humanitarian policies still operate on the same notions of “cure, improvement, civility and good governance” and the “need to overcome misery by eradicating the barbaric and the uncivilized,” actively perpetuating a form of colonial governmentality (Dutton 2009, p. 309).
- 111.
Laidlaw 2012b, p. 751.
- 112.
Hilton 1991, pp. 3–5.
- 113.
McLisky 2005, p. 57.
- 114.
For instance: Elbourne 2002a, pp. 41–44.
- 115.
Barnett 2011, pp. 49–56, 49 (quote).
- 116.
Stamatov 2013, pp. 24–72, 45 (quote).
- 117.
- 118.
Ward 2008, p. 225.
- 119.
- 120.
- 121.
- 122.
Veracini 2010b, p. 151.
- 123.
Feierstein 2012, p. 28.
- 124.
Brantlinger 2003, pp. 1 (quote), 123.
- 125.
Ibid., p. 124. See also: Curthoys 2010, p. 234.
- 126.
- 127.
- 128.
Curthoys 2005.
- 129.
Fitzmaurice 2010.
- 130.
- 131.
- 132.
- 133.
Turnbull 1966 (first published in 1948).
- 134.
- 135.
Plomley 1991, p. 18.
- 136.
Ibid., p. 17. His interpretation of the settler-Aboriginal conflict as “inevitable” also resonates with nineteenth-century settler colonial discourse.
- 137.
To name only three, most influential ones: Ryan 1996 (first issued 1981), Reynolds 2006 (first published 1981), and Reynolds 1995. He substantiated his position in Reynolds 2001, 2004, and 2013. It is important to note, however, that Reynolds traces settler violence and its impact on Aboriginal Tasmanians but insists that the Indigenous people were not helpless victims and that colonial Tasmania does not constitute a case of genocide (in view of the UN definition). Instead, he emphasises, Aboriginal Tasmanians fought a guerrilla war. “Whether Governor Arthur,” reacting to this threat, “strayed over the unmarked border between warfare to genocide cannot be answered with any certainty” (Reynolds 2004, p. 147).
- 138.
Windschuttle 2003, pp. 2–3.
- 139.
- 140.
- 141.
- 142.
On the notion of “symbolic genocide” and its role in post-genocidal societies see Feierstein 2012, pp. 27–28, 28 (quote).
- 143.
Goldhagen 1996.
- 144.
Wolfe 2010.
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Bischoff, E. (2020). Violence and Pacifism: Writing the History of the Anglo-world from Within. In: Benevolent Colonizers in Nineteenth-Century Australia. Cambridge Imperial and Post-Colonial Studies Series. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-32667-8_2
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