Abstract
The Second World War was a transformative experience for the world in many ways. With respect to law and legal scholarship, two events at least are of cardinal importance. The first of these was the establishment of the United Nations and its impact on the development of international law, and the second was the emergence of human rights, expressed in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948. These events created a solid bond between national law and international law. As a consequence, international law became more organized, the conception of state sovereignty needed reconsideration, the role of private individuals was taken more seriously, and human rights evolved from theory and fragmented rules into a set of principles, albeit non-binding at first.
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Notes
- 1.
Hoffman (2011a), p. 13.
- 2.
Generally speaking, the interest in the history of human rights has focused on the “roots”, meaning the time before 1948. The history following the adoption of the universal declaration is equally important, however, or even more so, if the purpose is to decipher the meaning of modern human rights. The history of human rights after 1948 is examined e.g., in Keys (2014); Roberts (2015); Jensen (2016); Sellars (2002); Simpson (2001); Hoffman (2011b); Iriye et al. (2012). The purpose here is to contribute to that more recent period in human rights history, with the focus on the discourse of legal scholarship. See also Burke (2010), who emphasizes the role of the third world countries and decolonization in formulating modern human rights law. On the other hand, A. W. B. Simpson writes that “[a]lthough sometimes so presented, the anti-colonial movement was not in essence a human rights movement” (Simpson 2001, p. 300).
- 3.
Burgers (1992), pp. 449–454.
- 4.
- 5.
- 6.
- 7.
- 8.
Ignatieff (2002), p. 230.
- 9.
- 10.
Sellars (2002), pp. 3–5.
- 11.
UN Charter, Preamble. The protection of human rights as a goal of the UN is also mentioned in articles 1, 13, 55, 56, 62, 68 and 76 of the Charter.
- 12.
Mazower (2009), pp. 63–65.
- 13.
- 14.
Recent scholarship has urged distancing the drafting of the Declaration from the Holocaust. Moyn, for instance, argues that human rights “were not a response to the Holocaust, and not indeed focused on the prevention of catastrophic slaughter” (Moyn (2010), p. 48). G. Daniel Cohen has sought to point out that the Holocaust was not the immediate cause of human rights (Cohen 2012). On the other hand, Glendon has pointed out that, albeit infrequently, the Nazi atrocities were in fact mentioned during the drafting process (Glendon 2001, p. 189), while Morsink has analysed in detail all the connections between the Nazi experiences and the human rights provisions (Morsink 1999, p. 36–91). At least in the final General Assembly debates, the framers of the Declaration defended it on the basis that it was meant to respond to the Nazi war crimes (Morsink 1999, pp. 36–37). Moreover, in 1992 Burgers pointed out that since the idea of protecting human rights had become stronger even during the war before the genocide was fully recognized, the foremost purpose of human rights was to secure peace (Burgers 1992, p. 475; see also Sellars 2002, pp. ix–xi). A. W. Brian Simpson has also argued that the Nazi atrocities affected the plans on human rights during the war but were not their immediate cause (Simpson 2001, p. 196, and Footnote 170). Thus, it seems that the point of the recent interpretations was mainly to reject the so-called conventional account. Although Cohen is mostly correct in striking “a middle ground between these polarized interpretations”, he occasionally resorts to hair-splitting while trying to distance human rights from the Holocaust (Cohen 2012, pp. 56–67). See also Duranti (2012), who makes a similar, albeit more far-reaching, argument than Cohen in drawing a line between human rights and the impact of the Holocaust. In my view, even though the Holocaust was not the only or the most important reason for the articulation of human rights after the war, it was a reason for them as well as for the drafting of the Universal Declaration, providing further support for their acceptance. Whether the talk considered Nazi atrocities or the Holocaust is not decisive since the point is essentially the same.
- 15.
Morsink (1999), pp. 21–24. These abstentions indicate the political controversies and the coming of the Cold War. Those that abstained were the Soviet Union and its allies, Ukraine, Byelorussia, the Polish People’s Republic, the Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia, and Czechoslovakia, which lamented the absence of social rights and considered the Declaration too Western. The other two were the Union of South Africa, which abstained because of its Apartheid policy, and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, which considered the Declaration too Christian.
- 16.
- 17.
Glendon 2001, pp.193–202.
- 18.
- 19.
Mazower (2004).
- 20.
Roberts (2015), p. 54.
- 21.
- 22.
Schwelb (1960).
- 23.
Roberts (2015), pp. 103–119, 176–183, 204–221.
- 24.
Sellars (2002), p. 86.
- 25.
- 26.
Simpson (2001), p. 542.
- 27.
Ibid., pp. 605, 639, 642–644.
- 28.
- 29.
Hannum (1995), pp. 294–297, 335–338, 377–391.
- 30.
Ibid., p. 313.
- 31.
Schwelb (1960), p. 655, Footnote 2.
- 32.
Morsink (1999), p. 19.
- 33.
Normand and Zaidi (2008), p. 140.
- 34.
Strzelewicz (1943), pp. 256–258.
- 35.
Lauterpacht (1945), p. v.
- 36.
Simpson (2001), p. 205.
- 37.
See, e.g., Lauterpacht (1945), pp. 15, 42, 143, 214.
- 38.
Lauterpacht (1945), p. 42, and see in general pp. 18–53.
- 39.
See Kelly (2004). The late 19th-century German scholarship on the history of rights sought to downplay the role of the French Revolution in this regard (see, e.g., Castberg 1967, pp. 19–20). As Castberg correctly observes, various forces are at play and it is difficult to locate the exact origins of the idea (ibid., p. 20).
- 40.
- 41.
Koskenniemi (2002), pp. 353–392.
- 42.
Ibid., p. 393. According to Koskenniemi, Lauterpacht’s failure was due to his unwillingness to directly face the politics behind international law and human rights (ibid., pp. 396–397).
- 43.
Kunz (1945), p. 92.
- 44.
Shotwell (1946).
- 45.
Dore (1946).
- 46.
Lauterpacht (1945), pp. 10–15.
- 47.
Holcombe (1948), pp. 8–15, 77–90, 124.
- 48.
Many of the responses appear in Human Rights (1949).
- 49.
Jacques Maritain in Human Rights (1949), p. 74.
- 50.
Roberts (2015), pp. 30–32, 45–48.
- 51.
Kunz (1949).
- 52.
Ibid., p. 322.
- 53.
Holcombe (1948), p. 151.
- 54.
Holman (1948), pp. 984–986, 1078–1081.
- 55.
Moskowitz (1949), pp. 283–288, 358–359.
- 56.
See, e.g., Simsarian (1949).
- 57.
Crane (1949), p. 297.
- 58.
Simsarian (1949), p. 209.
- 59.
Maritain (1951), p. 105.
- 60.
Lauterpacht (1950), pp. 6–19, quote at p. 4.
- 61.
Ibid., p. 145.
- 62.
Human Rights (1949), p. 251.
- 63.
Lauterpacht (1950), p. 279.
- 64.
Ibid., pp. 33–35, 148–153.
- 65.
Drost (1951), p. 14.
- 66.
Ibid., pp. 14–20, 163–170, quotes at pp. 14, 164, 170.
- 67.
Ibid., pp. 29–45, quote at p. 36.
- 68.
Sloan (1950), p. 23.
- 69.
See the symposiums in 14 Law and Contemporary Problems 411–536, 545–646 (1949).
- 70.
Neal (1953).
- 71.
Kunz (1954), p. 282.
- 72.
Drost (1951), p. 34. Morsink, also argues that the UDHR was meant for ordinary people (Morsink 1999, p. 33). The Declaration was obviously inteded for ordinary people, but because of its form, and because of the social circumstances of the 1940s and 1950s, its initial audience was the international legal profession.
- 73.
Wright (1951), pp. 70–73, quote at p. 77.
- 74.
- 75.
Starke (1958), p. 268.
- 76.
Coyle (1961), p. 65.
- 77.
Green (1956), p. 35.
- 78.
Brunet (1950), pp. 26–29, 58–62.
- 79.
Rajan (1961), esp. pp. 222–296.
- 80.
Ibid., pp. 363–364, 388.
- 81.
Guradze (1956), pp. 107–108, 121, 129–130.
- 82.
Jenks (1958), p. xii.
- 83.
Ibid., p. 45.
- 84.
Ibid., p. 264.
- 85.
See 53 American Society of International Law Proceedings 217–254 (1959).
- 86.
Schwelb (1959), p. 223.
- 87.
Ibid., p. 229.
- 88.
Moskowitz (1958), p. 13. Moskowitz was fully aware of the difficulties relating to the establishment of international protection of human rights (ibid., p. 163).
- 89.
Moskowitz argued that according to the general opinion, human rights as part of the UN Charter were not entirely without legal force (Moskowitz 1958, p. 32). This, however, is an exaggeration. He refers to Lauterpacht and Cassin, both of whom were eager proponents of human rights and who had personal interests at stake. Although their arguments in this respect are not insignificant, they do not tell the whole story either. As noted above, many of the scholars of international law were cautious about human rights and merely attached moral significance to them.
- 90.
Bay (1958), pp. 372–373.
- 91.
See ibid., esp. pp. vii, 3, 6–7, 75–76, 376–377.
- 92.
Koskenniemi (2002), pp. 513–516.
- 93.
Rajagopal (2003), pp. 29–33.
- 94.
Lauterpacht (1950), pp. 276–277.
- 95.
Drost (1951), p. 32.
- 96.
Lauterpacht (1950), pp. 419–420.
- 97.
Simpson (2001), p. 809. The situation seems to have remained somewhat the same in Britain at least until the mid-1990s (see ibid., Footnote 6 on p. 809, and pp. 809, 823).
- 98.
- 99.
Kekkonen (1998), pp. 82–87.
- 100.
- 101.
Kekkonen (1998), pp. 88–89, 95–97.
- 102.
Helin (1988), pp. 330–346.
- 103.
Pihlajamäki and Pylkkänen (1996), pp. 127–135.
- 104.
Törnudd (1986), p. 19. Finland applied for membership in 1947 but the confirmation was delayed because of the Soviet Union’s opposition to new members unless some countries within the Soviet sphere of influence were included as well. Thus, in 1955, a total of sixteen countries, including Finland, entered the UN.
- 105.
- 106.
- 107.
Castrén (1947a), p. 136.
- 108.
Suontausta (1946), pp. 21–23, 66.
- 109.
Forsström (2000).
- 110.
Uola (2007).
- 111.
Castrén (1947b), p. 461.
- 112.
Castrén (1948b), pp. 361, 373, Footnote 27, 375–376.
- 113.
Castrén (1948a), pp. 23–25.
- 114.
Castrén (1948b), p. 365.
- 115.
Castrén (1950), p. 681.
- 116.
Sundström (2000).
- 117.
Idman (1947b), pp. 216, 218.
- 118.
The original reads: “en frimodig omsorg om de mänskliga fri- och rättigheterna” (Björkman and Eek 1945, p. 8). Regarding the significance of the book (Björkman and Eek 1945) as understood here, its most illuminative essays are Carl Björkman’s Rätten att leva, Ebbe Linde’s Kallt förnuft och Varma hjärta, and Hilding Eek’s Rättssäkerheten i socialvården.
- 119.
Vuokila (1999), pp. 71–74. Although the revitalization had many motives, perhaps the most significant impetus was provided by the events relating to a strike in Kemi the summer of 1949, in which police violently dispersed the striking demonstrators.
- 120.
Ihmisoikeuksien liiton yleinen kokous, Helsingissä, lokakuun 29 päivänä 1949; Toimintaan ihmisoikeuksien puolesta, Helsingissä 14 päivänä marraskuuta 1949, Ihmisoikeuksien liiton johtokunta (KA).
- 121.
Periaatteiden käytäntöön soveltaminen, Erkki Valan alustus vuosikokouksessa 1950 (KA); Ihmisoikeuksien puolesta 1950, pp. 8–9.
- 122.
Ihmisoikeuksien puolesta (1950), pp. 11–15.
- 123.
Ihmisoikeuksien liiton 19.2.1950 pidetyn vuosikokouksen julkilausuma (KA).
- 124.
IOL:n toimintasuunnitelma ajalle 1.3.51–29.2.52 (KA).
- 125.
Ihmisoikeuksien puolesta 14.6.1951, p. 1.
- 126.
Ihmisoikeuksien puolesta 28.6.1951, p. 2.
- 127.
Vuokila (1999), pp. 83–106, 108–111, 119–120.
- 128.
Ihmisoikeuksien puolesta 3:1951, pp. 1–3.
- 129.
Vuokila (1999), pp. 113–121.
- 130.
Ibid., pp. 76–77.
- 131.
Fredman (2005), pp. 436–438.
- 132.
Vuokila (1999), pp. 124–125.
- 133.
Hakulinen (1946), pp. 568–569.
- 134.
For example, when the Swedish-speaking student journal Studentblad took a liberal stand on the problems of legal policy in the 1950s, it was mostly law students who criticized this as leftist demagoguery (see Stenbäck 2011, pp. 108–111, 116).
- 135.
Castrén (1959), pp. 143–145, 177–178.
- 136.
Kastari (1950), pp. 735–737, 739, 742, 745.
- 137.
Kastari (1958), pp. 524–539.
- 138.
Jyränki (2001).
- 139.
See, e.g., Kastari (1949), pp. 481–513.
- 140.
Kastari (1947).
- 141.
Ibid., p. 5.
- 142.
Ibid., p. 9.
- 143.
Jyränki (1999), pp. 174–178.
- 144.
- 145.
Kastari (1947), pp. 34–39.
- 146.
Kastari (1956), pp. 787–788.
- 147.
Ahtee (1950), pp. 1–3, 55–58.
- 148.
Ibid., pp. 113–114.
- 149.
Ibid., pp. 1–2, 56–57, 120–121.
- 150.
Suontausta (1959).
- 151.
Sainio (1959).
- 152.
Suontausta (1959), pp. 23–24.
- 153.
Sainio (1959), pp. 5, 74–79, 129–137, 140–145, 149, 157–159, 163–164, 178–179, 203, 209–211, 219, 251 Footnote 10, 269.
- 154.
See, e.g., Castrén (1953), pp. 215–224.
- 155.
Suontausta (1949), pp. 621–627.
- 156.
Idman (1951), p. 247.
- 157.
Suontausta (1955), pp. 50–51, 73.
- 158.
Suontausta (1951), p. 721.
- 159.
Westerholm (1952), pp. 6, 12–15, 19, 23–25.
- 160.
Landgrén (2004).
- 161.
Jansson (1957), pp. 64–68.
- 162.
Ibid., pp. 82–87.
- 163.
See Jansson and Modeen (1957).
- 164.
For example, the student journal Studentbladet was generally characterized as a politically right-wing journal before the war, but it became liberal in the postwar years (see Stenbäck 2011, 88–93).
- 165.
Salmiala (1953), Footnote 3 on p. 224. In general, Salmiala was not enthusiastic about human rights or constitutional rights. For example, he lamented that artists had produced indecent material while appealing to the freedom of speech, which, according to him, was an abuse of rights (see Salmiala 1959).
- 166.
Halila (1953), p. 716.
- 167.
Ellilä (1960), p. 512, Footnote 17.
- 168.
Kivimäki (1962), pp. 24–25.
- 169.
Sainio (1962), pp. 144–145.
- 170.
Melander (1964), p. 794.
- 171.
Kastari (1963), Footnote 33.
- 172.
- 173.
See, e.g., LM (1955), pp. 726–727.
- 174.
LM (1957), p. 98.
- 175.
- 176.
- 177.
Sipponen (1957), pp. 671, 676.
- 178.
LM (1963), p. 177.
- 179.
For a Scandinavian perspective on this trend, see Castberg (1967).
- 180.
Alanen (1962), pp. 235–241.
- 181.
Alanen (1961), pp. 77–85.
- 182.
Ravila (1963), pp. 687–692.
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Salojärvi, J. (2020). The Postwar Transformation, 1945–1965. In: Human Rights Redefining Legal Thought. Studies in the History of Law and Justice, vol 16. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-29533-2_3
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