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Zhu Xi and Japanese Philosophy

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Dao Companion to ZHUXi’s Philosophy

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Abstract

The Learning of Zhu Xi or Shushigaku 朱子学 was introduced to Japan in the early thirteenth century. However, it was never as widespread as it is generally assumed until the Kansei Edict of 1790 or the Prohibition of Heterodox Studies that proclaimed it as the official teaching at the Tokugawa shogunate’s schools, notably the later Shōheikō 昌平黌 (Shōhei School). Shushigaku was subsequently tied to written examinations primarily administered to heirs of the Tokugawa upper and lower vassals, which allowed them to receive promotions, acquire prestige, and, most importantly, seek new employments depending on their performances. In time, the Shushigaku curriculum was adopted in different degrees by an increasing number of feudal domain schools and private schools across the country, which contributed to its perceived predominance. This chapter focuses on the philosophical continuity and discontinuity between Zhu Xi and the Japanese Learning of Zhu Xi. Confucius says in Analects 2.15, “Learning without due reflection leads to perplexity; reflection without learning leads to perilous circumstances.” He explains why this is the case in Analects 13.5: “If people can recite all of these three hundred Songs and yet when given official responsibility, fail to perform effectively, or when sent to distant quarters, are unable to act on their own initiative, then even though they have mastered so many of them, what good are they to them?” Confucius argues that if we were to fall short in our reflection on learning to extend its relevance to novel circumstances, we would fail to deal with them effectively in a productive manner on our own. In our negligence to acclimate our learning to unfamiliar situations in “distant quarters,” he bodes, we would find their uncertainty perplexing and novelty perilous. One of the defining characteristics of the Learning of Zhu Xi in Japan, I suggest, is the dynamic interplay between its aspiration to establish continuity with Zhu Xi through meticulous learning of texts imported from China and Korea and its sustained effort to reflect upon this learning to appropriate Zhu Xi to the distant quarters of Japan. The appropriation, however, makes their reflected learning discontinuous with Zhu Xi, but it is also this discontinuity that allows for the forging of a new path, as it were, towards the construction of the very Japanese Shushigaku that it is.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    This is a quote from the “Jade Mountain Lecture” recorded in the Collected Writings of Master Zhu (Zhuwengong wenji 朱文公文集) 74 (Zhu 2002, vol. 24: 3587–93).

  2. 2.

    Maruyama critically examines the ostensive “self-completing nature” and “diachronic continuity” of the school and canvasses the dynamic inter- and intra-factional debates between its Shushigaku and Shintō students in (Maruyama 1980). For English translation, see Maruyama (2014).

  3. 3.

    The Kimon is known to have focused on the six canonical works: the Elementary Learning (Xiaoxue 小學), the Reflection on Things at Hand (Jinsilu 近思錄), the Great Learning (Daxue 大學), the Doctrine of the Mean (Zhongyong 中庸), the Analects (Lunyu 論語), and the Mencius (Mengzi 孟子) (Ooms 1998: 206–7). Abe Yoshio points out that that Ansai “directly referred to Zhu Xi as his teacher, revering only a few Confucians from the Yuan and Ming dynasties. Among them, those who can be thought to have influenced his style of learning were Xue Jingxuan (Xue Xuan, 1389–1464), Hu Jingzhai (Hu Juren, 1434–84), and Yi T’oegye of Korea” (Huang and Tucker 2014: 336).

  4. 4.

    Reference to Analects 4.15.

  5. 5.

    The “Reverent Comportment” is the title of a chapter in the Xiaoxue.

  6. 6.

    The “abiding in reverence” is from Daxue 3.

  7. 7.

    The five roles and relations are between father and son, ruler and subject, husband and wife, old and young, and between friends from Mencius 3A.4.

  8. 8.

    They refer to the affections between fathers and sons, proprieties between rulers and subjects, differentiations between husbands and wives, precedence of the old over the young, and the trusts between friends from Mencius 3A.4.

  9. 9.

    Reference to the Appended Remarks (Xici 繫辭) 1.9 of the Book of Changes (Yijing 易經).

  10. 10.

    Hayakawa Masako explains that the first five lines are about “the reverence of bodily comportments” conducted in accordance to the proprieties appropriate to the five roles and relations (Hayakawa 1986: 88).

  11. 11.

    Ansai claims that he is neither making a “forced analogy” (fukai 付会) between nor advocating a “doctrinal amalgamation” (shūgō 習合) of Shushigaku and Shintō attempted by his predecessors (Taira and Abe 1972: 143), but is clarifying the “marvelous correspondence” where their ways coincide on their own accord. For discussion, see Maruyama (1980: 624–25).

  12. 12.

    His last name is sometimes read as “Kikkawa” and his first name as “Koretaru.”

  13. 13.

    Also known as Deguchi Nobuyoshi.

  14. 14.

    Also known as Ōnakatomi no Kiyonaga.

  15. 15.

    The “Chapter of the Divine Age” are the first two chapters of the Chronicles of Japan (Nihon shoki 日本書記) recounting the creation myth of Japan.

  16. 16.

    Barry Steben notes that “the equation of reverence (kei) [in the passage] with the native Japanese word tsutsushimi depends on the overlapping meanings of the two. Kei connotes attentiveness and concentration, whereas tsutsushimi connotes reverence, restrained, and, here, ‘tightening’” (de Bary et al. 2006: 80).

  17. 17.

    This is derived from the Surviving Works of the Cheng Brothers 11 (Cheng and Cheng 1981: 118).

  18. 18.

    This is derived from Zhou Dunyi’s Explanation of the Diagram of the Supreme Polarity (Taijitu sho 太極圖說).

  19. 19.

    Tsuchida Kenjirō suggests that “if we were to apply [Ansai’s] ‘kami’ to the learning of Zhu Xi, it would correspond with the heart-mind that is a compound of qing 情 (emotions, feelings) and xing; it would then not be the li by itself” (Tsuchida 2014: 191). Zhu Xi follows Zhang Zai and defines the heart-mind as that which “governs (tongshe 統攝)” or “manages (guanshe 管攝)” xing and qing (Zhu 2002, vol. 14: 229–30). This definition may seem to imply that the heart-mind is an entity that is distinct from xing and qing. Zhu Xi, however, defines the character “統 (tong)” as “兼 (jian),” which means “to compound” or “to have plural items concurrently” (Zhu 2002, vol. 17: 3304). He explains that “what is meant by ‘the heart-mind’ is to have xing and qing concurrently. What is meant by ‘having xing and qing concurrently’ is to consist (baokuo 包括) of these xing and qing” (Zhu 2002, vol. 14: 704). To build upon Tsuchida’s suggestion, Ansai’s kami seems to be a “compound” that “consists” of li and qi like the heart-mind.

  20. 20.

    Tsuchida observes that “the tendency to entrust oneself to that which transcends oneself (this may be the public domain or the gods) after years of accumulated cultivations by one’s own could be thought of as an expression of the acceptance of the concept of the gods in the case of Confucian Shintō” (Tsuchida 2014: 195–96).

  21. 21.

    Following Zhu Xi’s commentary on Analects 9.30 (Zhu 2002, vol. 6: 147), Jinsai writes, “Master Cheng said, ‘The word “expedient,” which originally means “scale,” derives its philosophical meaning from the way in which scales measure weight.’ According to the balance of the scales, unites of weight are added or removed to equal the weight of a thing. Expediency works much like a set of scales” (Tucker 1998: 189). Yoshikawa Kōjirō explains that “the degree of ‘not going beyond and falling short’ (guobuji 過不及) must be different depending on the diverse states of the thing-events in front of our eyes” and that this requires “what Mencius refers to as ‘expediency,’ which is the measurement of this degree” (Yoshikawa and Shimuzu 1971: 607).

  22. 22.

    Tsuchida questions the putative “dissolution” by using Ishikawa Ken’s historical study of Japanese schooling system (Ishikawa 1977) to show that the number of Shushigaku scholars of feudal domains from 1789, a year before the Prohibition, to 1871 during the Meiji era has actually increased over time (Tsuchida 2014: 88–90).

  23. 23.

    He is referring to Zhu Xi’s commentary on Mencius 7B.37 (Zhu 2002, vol. 6: 458).

  24. 24.

    Reference to Mencius 7A.40.

  25. 25.

    Maruyama in his introduction to the English edition of Studies in the History of Japanese Political Thoughts admits that one of defects of the book is his “assumption that early Tokugawa Confucianism ‘was as unadulterated as if it had just arrived from China.’ …, thus overlooking the genuinely Japanese characteristic of Tokugawa Neo-Confucianism” (Maruyama 1974: xxxv–vi).

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Baba, E. (2020). Zhu Xi and Japanese Philosophy. In: Ng, Kc., Huang, Y. (eds) Dao Companion to ZHUXi’s Philosophy. Dao Companions to Chinese Philosophy, vol 13. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-29175-4_32

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