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Logic in China and Chinese Logic: The Arrival and (Re-)Discovery of Logic in China

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Dao Companion to Chinese Philosophy of Logic

Part of the book series: Dao Companions to Chinese Philosophy ((DCCP,volume 12))

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Abstract

The present chapter sketches the adoption of logic in late nineteenth and early twentieth century China. Addressing both conceptual and institutional aspects of this process, it contextualizes the raising interest in the discipline among Qing scholars and Republican intellectuals. Arranged largely chronologically, it delineates the successive periods in the reception of major works of and intellectual trends in the field. It introduces the most influential scholars promoting a public discourse on logic in the final years of the empire, but also the ever more professional agents who participated in the ensuing establishment of a modern institutional framework for studies in logic like universities, departments of logic, academic societies, journals etc. While at the beginning, these people were mostly no trained logicians, progress in the establishment of academic logic in the 1930s provided the conditions for the formation of the first Chinese specialists in the field who were often internationally trained and soon to engage in cutting-edge research. In some contrast, academic discourse on logic well into the 1930s was dominated by exaggerated social and political expectations, not least due to the successive influence on intellectuals of inductionist scientism in the first decades of the twentieth century, of an inflated pragmatist notion of logic in the 1920s, and of an overly simplistic “antiformalist” notion of logic propagated by (vulgar-)Marxist historical dialecticians in the 1930s. The arrival of scientific logic also went in tandem with a renewed interest in studies in the traditional Buddhist “science of reasons” (yinming, hetuvidyā, “Buddhist logic”) and spurred the search for contributions to the field of logic in the record of inherited Chinese literature, a development which soon led to the common acceptance of the existence of genuinely Chinese traditions of logic. It is eventually a peculiarity of the Chinese reception of logic that since around 1920, less than two decades after the first modern translations of textbooks on traditional syllogistics, the visit of Bertrand Russell – one of the fathers of mathematical logic – fueled the spread of this new approach to logic which has eventually changed its face for good. Designed as a historical survey, this chapter is a general account on the major contributions to the field by Chinese scholars of the time and has to forego detailed discussions.

I would like to thank Fung Yiu-ming, Wolfgang Behr, and an anonymous reviewer for their valuable comments on a previous version of this text.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    For arguments in support of the common characterization of hetuvidyā as “Buddhist logic” see Aviv <CitationRef CitationID="CR2" >2015</Citation Ref>: 192.

  2. 2.

    In 1897, the Yucai Shushu 育才書墅 (School for nourishing talent), the precursor of today’s Jiaotong 交通 University in Shanghai, included courses in logic (bianxue 辯學, lit. ‘science of disputation’) in its English curriculum. In 1898, courses in logic (bianxue 辯學; mingxue 名學, lit. ‘science of names’) were planned at Beijing’s Tongyi Xuetang 通藝學堂 (College of comprehensive arts) (Kurtz <CitationRef CitationID="CR40" >2011</Citation Ref>: 194). After 1903, the Jesuit-supported Université de l’Aurore (Zhendan Xueyuan 震旦學院) in Shanghai offered logic courses (Kurtz <CitationRef CitationID="CR40" >2011</Citation Ref>: 202).

  3. 3.

    That bianxue included lessons in phonology and rhetoric and that it was not accessible for students of law and the natural sciences shows the narrow limits of the understanding of logic (cf. Kurtz <CitationRef CitationID="CR40" >2011</Citation Ref>: 198–199).

  4. 4.

    For details see Kurtz <CitationRef CitationID="CR40" >2011</Citation Ref>: 207–224, esp. his Appendix A. “Textbooks on Logic Adapted from Japanese, 1902–1911”, in Kurtz <CitationRef CitationID="CR40" >2011</Citation Ref>: 367–371.

  5. 5.

    A National Society for Logic (Zhongguo Luoji Xuehui 中國邏輯學會) was only founded in 1979 (Zeng <CitationRef CitationID="CR128" >2000</Citation Ref>: 38, 2002: 38).

  6. 6.

    Quoted in Zeng <CitationRef CitationID="CR128" >2000</Citation Ref>: 38.

  7. 7.

    On Jesuit adaptations of logical writings and notions to Chinese see, e.g., Kurtz <CitationRef CitationID="CR40" >2011</Citation Ref>, ch.1.

  8. 8.

    For an English overview on YanFu see Kurtz <CitationRef CitationID="CR40" >2011</Citation Ref>, ch.3: 147–192.

  9. 9.

    Yan published the first part of his translation consisting of Book I of Mill’s Logic in 1903. The full text of his translation, comprising more than half of the original, came out in 1905 at the Commercial Press in Shanghai (Kurtz <CitationRef CitationID="CR40" >2011</Citation Ref>: 171–172).

  10. 10.

    This text had already been translated into Chinese by the protestant missionary and philologist Joseph Edkins (1823–1905) in the 1880s (Kurtz <CitationRef CitationID="CR40" >2011</Citation Ref>: 172).

  11. 11.

    Li <CitationRef CitationID="CR44" >2004</Citation Ref>: 19 gives 1908 for the Mingxue qianshuo.

  12. 12.

    Cf. Kurtz <CitationRef CitationID="CR40" >2011</Citation Ref>: 156.

  13. 13.

    According to Hu’s obituary by Yang Du 楊度 (1875–1931) in the 7th issue of Zhongguo Xinbao 中國新報 in 1907, Hu Maoru (style Cipu 次樸) had died in the same year with only 25 years of age.

  14. 14.

    Xiang Rongxian (<CitationRef CitationID="CR112" >1992</Citation Ref>) further mentions Xing Bonan 邢柏南 (no dates available), Lunlixue (Logic, 1914); Zhang Yucong 張毓聰 (no dates available), Lunlixue (1914); Fan Bingqing 樊炳清 (1876/7–1929/31), Lunlixue yaoling 論理學要領 (Essential outline of logic, 1914), Han Shuzu 韓述組 (no dates available), Lunlixue jiangyi (Lectures in logic, 1918) (Xiang <CitationRef CitationID="CR112" >1992</Citation Ref>: 60; cf. also Zuo <CitationRef CitationID="CR152" >2016</Citation Ref>: 162).

  15. 15.

    Zhang traced Greek logikón back to the verb legeĩn which in turn he related to Latin legere, equivalent, in its meaning of ‘to gather’, with the second component word of the Chinese compound luoji ‘logic’, i.e. ji 輯 ‘to gather/to collect’, also used as a variant of 緝 ‘to connect’. In combination with luo 邏, literally ‘to inspect’, this yields something like the science of “verifying”, lit. “checking [the correctness of] connections” [between propositions] (Yan <CitationRef CitationID="CR116" >2007</Citation Ref>: 51).

  16. 16.

    Xie Youwei <CitationRef CitationID="CR113" >1997</Citation Ref>, qtd. in Zeng <CitationRef CitationID="CR128" >2000</Citation Ref>: 39.

  17. 17.

    Wang Tefu <CitationRef CitationID="CR104" >1933</Citation Ref>: 2; qtd. in Zeng <CitationRef CitationID="CR128" >2000</Citation Ref>: 38.

  18. 18.

    JinYuelin, “A, E, I, O de zhijie tuilun” A、E、 I、 O的直接推論 (Direct inferences between A, E, I, and O), Zhexue Pinglun 3.3, 1930, repr. in Zhou, s.a., vol. 1: 473–501.

  19. 19.

    Jin Yuelin, “Lun zixiang maodun” 論自相矛盾 (On self-contradiction), Zhexue Pinglun 1.3, 1927, repr. in Zhou, s.a., vol. 1: 283–304.

  20. 20.

    Jin Yuelin, “Buxiangrong de luoji xitong” 不相容的邏輯系統 (Incompatible logical systems), Qinghai Xuebao 9.2, 1934, repr. in Zhou, s.a., vol. 1: 607–624.

  21. 21.

    Jin Yuelin, “Lun butong de luoji” 論不同的邏輯 (On different logics), Qinghua Xuebao 13.1, 1941, repr. in Zhou, s.a., vol. 2: 378–402.

  22. 22.

    His translation of Reymond’s Les Principes de la logique et la critique contemporaine (Paris: Boivin, 1932, Chin. 邏輯原理及現代各派之評述 “The principles of logic and its critique by contemporary schools of thought”) was republished in Taiwan in 1975.

  23. 23.

    Lu Shun’ang盧舜昂 (no dates available), Liu Jianheng 劉劍橫 (no dates available), Zhao Yiping 趙一萍 (1905–1986), Wen Jiangong 溫健公 (1908–1938), Li Hengzhi 李衡之 (no dates available) (Lu <CitationRef CitationID="CR53" >2007</Citation Ref>: 50).

  24. 24.

    Bianzhengfa yanjiu 辯證法研究 (Investigations in dialectics) (Sun <CitationRef CitationID="CR93" >2001</Citation Ref>: 34).

  25. 25.

    Dongfang Zazhi 29.6.

  26. 26.

    Bianzhengfa weiwulun jiaocheng 辯證法唯物論教程. This textbook had been prepared for use in the Soviet Communist party school. For a detailed discussion see Knight <CitationRef CitationID="CR39" >1996</Citation Ref>: 133–139; cf. also Fogel <CitationRef CitationID="CR16" >1987</Citation Ref>: 68.

  27. 27.

    Shi Mingde (Shi <CitationRef CitationID="CR86" >1997</Citation Ref>: 8) notes that the original version of the “Maodun lun” contained a paragraph about the connection between the law of identity in formal logic and the dialectical law of contradiction. In the 1950s, this passage, reflecting the debate about dialectical logic of the 1930s, was removed from the official version of the text, allegedly by Mao himself.

  28. 28.

    “Xingshi luoji yu bianzhengfa de luoji” 形式邏輯與辯證的邏輯 appeared in the journal Wenli 文理 (vol. 3, 1933).

  29. 29.

    Luojingtai’er 落靜泰爾 (= Rozental’) and Youqin 猶琴 (= Yudin), Jianming zhexue cidian 簡明哲學辭典, Beiping, Xinzhi Shushe 新知書社.

  30. 30.

    Luozengta’er 羅曾塔爾 (= Rozental’), M. and Youjin尤金 (= Yudin), H., Zuixin zhexue cidian 最新哲學辭典, Guangming Shuju 光明書局.

  31. 31.

    Fan Shoukang, “Xingshi lunli yu bianzhengfa” 形式論理與辯證法, in: Ye Qing, ed., Zhexue Lunzhan 哲學論戰, Shanghai, Xinken Shudian辛垦書店, 1935.

  32. 32.

    Ren Zhaoxuan (= Ye Qing) published a book-length summa against Zhang: ZhangDongsun zhexue pipan: dui guannianlun, eryuanlun, zhezhonglun de jiantao 張東蓀哲學批判:對觀念論二元論折衷論的檢討 (A critique of Zhang Dongsun’s philosophy: An examination of idealism, dualism, and ecclecticism), Shanghai, Xinken Shudian 辛墾書店, 1934.

  33. 33.

    “Feng Qi xu” 馮契序 in Peng Yilian <CitationRef CitationID="CR66" >1991</Citation Ref>; qtd. in Zeng <CitationRef CitationID="CR128" >2000</Citation Ref>: 39. See also Sun <CitationRef CitationID="CR93" >2001</Citation Ref>: 34.

  34. 34.

    Zhou Gucheng, “Heige’er luoji yinlun” (黑格爾邏輯引論), Xin Zhonghua 1.18, 1933.

  35. 35.

    Zhou Gucheng, “Heige’er luoji zhong de ‘zhiliang’ lun” (黑格爾邏輯中的‘質量’論), Shidai Gonglun 時代公論 3.8, 1934.

  36. 36.

    Guo Bendao, “Duiyu Heige’er bianzhengfa de jidian yijian” (對於黑格爾辯證法的幾點意見), Xingjian Yuekan 行健月刊 4.5, 1934.

  37. 37.

    It was published as a special issue of the Shanghai-based Zhengli Bao 正理報 and reprinted in 1952 by Commercial Press.

  38. 38.

    Shi Ming, Lunlixue changshi 論理學常識 (Common knowledge about logic), 1931 (Zhou <CitationRef CitationID="CR149" >1988</Citation Ref>: 20).

  39. 39.

    Zhu Zhangbao and Feng Pinlan, Lunlixue gangyao 論理學綱要 (Essentials of logic), 1932 (Zhou <CitationRef CitationID="CR149" >1988</Citation Ref>: 20).

  40. 40.

    Guo Zhanbo, Lunlixue shiliu jiang 論理學十六講 (Sixteen lectures on logic), 1933 (Zhou <CitationRef CitationID="CR149" >1988</Citation Ref>: 20).

  41. 41.

    For a detailed account cf. He <CitationRef CitationID="CR501" >2005</Citation Ref>: 425–438.

  42. 42.

    Zhao Baoguo (2000a: 25) identifies Zhang as a proponent of a modified Neo-Kantianism.

  43. 43.

    “Zhenli di fenye” 真理底分野 (Domains of truth, 1940; see Shen <CitationRef CitationID="CR81" >1992</Citation Ref>: 111–126), “Yuyan, sixiang yu yiyi – yizhi fenxi de di yi zhang” 語言、思想與意義 — — 意志分析的第一章 (Language, thought and meaning – an analysis of intentionality, first part, 1943, see Shen <CitationRef CitationID="CR81" >1992</Citation Ref>: 127–149), “Yiyi de fenlei – yishi fenxi de di er zhang” 意義的分類 — — 意志分析的第二章 (A Categorization of Meaning – an analysis of intentionality, second part, 1944, see Shen <CitationRef CitationID="CR81" >1992</Citation Ref>: 150–175).

  44. 44.

    The text was presumably translated by both Xuanzang (title: Yinming zhengli men lun ben 因明正理門論本) and Yijing 義淨 (635–713) (title: Yinming zhengli men lun 因明正理門論) whose translation only survives in fragments (Yao <CitationRef CitationID="CR121" >2008</Citation Ref>: 85).

  45. 45.

    In addition to Zhou Shujia’s Yinming ru zhengli lun shi 因明入正理論釋 (published in 1989), Yao (<CitationRef CitationID="CR120" >1994</Citation Ref>: 144) mentions an undated Yinming ru zhengli lun yuezhi 因明入正理論約旨 (Summary of the principal ideas of the Introduction into the methods of the science of reasons) by a certain master of Beihua 悲華, Wang Jitong’s 王季同 (1875–1948) Yinming ru zhengli lun moxiang 因明入正理論摸象 (Tentative interpretations of the Introduction into the methods of the science of reasons, 1930), a master of Beiyuan’s 悲園 Yinming ru zhengli lun jiangyi 因明入正理論講義 (Lectures on the Introduction into the methods of the science of reasons, 1932), the Yinming ru zhengli lun 因明入正理論 (On the Introduction into the methods of the science of reasons, undated) by the Japanese Jōdo monk Hayashi Genmyō (Lin Yanming) 林彥明 (1868–1945), Mi Lin’s 密林 (dharma master Chisong 持松, 1894–1972) Yinming ru zhengli yijie 因明入正理論易解 (Easy explanations of the Introduction into the methods of the science of reasons, 1940), the Yinming ru zhengli lun shi 因明入正理論釋 (An analysis of the Introduction into the methods of the science of reasons, 1943) by the yogācāra specialist Han Kezhong 韓克忠 (1884–1949, a.k.a layman Qingjing 清淨居士), and the Buddhist scholar monk Changxing’s 常惺 (1896–1939) Yinming ru zhengli lun yaojie 因明入正理論要解 (Essential explanations on the Introduction into the methods of the science of reasons, 1948).

  46. 46.

    Zhang had shortly mentioned the yinming rules of inference in the preface of his comprehensive study on the so-called masters-literature (Zhuzi lunxue 諸子論學) published in 1906 and further developed and systematized his reflection about yinming and its relations to classical Chinese thought and modern logic in later publications, famously his 1909 study Yuanming 原名 (Investigating the origin of names).

  47. 47.

    On Liu Shipei’s adoption of the term mingxue 名學 see Kurtz <CitationRef CitationID="CR40" >2011</Citation Ref>: 295–301.

  48. 48.

    On ZhangBinglin (Taiyan) cf. Kurtz <CitationRef CitationID="CR40" >2011</Citation Ref>: 302–312. Cf. Makeham 2012: 103.

  49. 49.

    Cf. Kurtz <CitationRef CitationID="CR40" >2011</Citation Ref>: 313–327.

  50. 50.

    Mozi zhi lunlixue 墨子之論理學 (The logic of the Mozi); Mozi xue’an 墨子學案 (Case studies on Mohism); Mozi jiaoshi 墨子校釋 (Collation and interpretation of the Mozi). See Yang <CitationRef CitationID="CR119" >2005</Citation Ref>: 19.

  51. 51.

    Cf. also Zhou Yunzhi <CitationRef CitationID="CR150" >1991</Citation Ref>: 9–10, cit. in Yang <CitationRef CitationID="CR119" >2005</Citation Ref>: 19.

  52. 52.

    Cf. For the translations of li and lei cf. Graham <CitationRef CitationID="CR502" >1978</Citation Ref>: 480.

  53. 53.

    For an English overview on Russell’s role in the introduction of mathematical logic in China see Xu <CitationRef CitationID="CR114" >2010</Citation Ref>.

  54. 54.

    According to Sun Zhongyuan (Song <CitationRef CitationID="CR89" >2000</Citation Ref>: 36), the lecture notes of Russell were previously published by Beijing University in 1921.

  55. 55.

    Sun Zhongyuan (Sun <CitationRef CitationID="CR93" >2001</Citation Ref>: 36) calls Jin the most representative propagator of “modern logic” in Republican China.

  56. 56.

    Sometimes 1926 is given as the year of publication. The book has no impressum, but the preface is dated to 1926 (Minguo 15).

  57. 57.

    These papers appeared in the philosophical quarterly of Wuhan University Wuhan Daxue Like Jikan 武漢大學理科季刊 5.2 and in Shuxue Zazhi 數學雜誌 (“Mathematical Revue”) 1.1 respectively (Shi/Zeng <CitationRef CitationID="CR87" >1998</Citation Ref>: 50).

  58. 58.

    In 1932, Xiao Wencan had published a paper “The theory of irrational numbers” (Wulishu zhi lilun 無理數之理論, Wuhan Daxue Like Jikan 武漢大學理科季刊 2.4) (Shi/Zeng <CitationRef CitationID="CR87" >1998</Citation Ref>: 50).

  59. 59.

    After graduating from Harvard, Wan Zhuoheng from 1936 to 1947 was professor for educational philosophy at Wuhan University where, among other things, he taught classes in “mathematical logic” on the basis of Whitehead’s and Russell’s Principia Mathematica.

  60. 60.

    Yu Dawei (Yu Ta-wei, David Yule) after his graduation from Shanghai St. John’s college in 1918 studied mathematical logic and Indic philology at Harvard. Among his teachers were Henry Maurice Sheffer and Clarence Irving Lewis (1883–1964). In 1921, he graduated with a PhD thesis entitled “Theories of abstract implication”. In the same year, he received a Sheldon Traveling Fellowship and went to Berlin. In 1926, he published an article “On the foundation of the calculus of classes” (Yule David, “Zur Grundlegung des Klassenkalküls”, Mathematische Annalen 95, 446–452) in German. He later served as a lieutenant general in the Republican Army.

  61. 61.

    Zhang Yinlin had graduated from Qinghua University in 1929. During his ensuing stay at Stanford, he took classes in mathematical logic. His only published text about logic appears to be a short article about ‘inductive logic’.

  62. 62.

    Tang had published, in the 1930s, a number of English papers, among them one on the “The Nine Circle Theorem and the Enlarged Geometry” in The American Mathematical Monthly 45.7, 1938, 430–433.

  63. 63.

    The Chinese sources refer to an article entitled “代數公設和路易士嚴格蘊含演算的一個幾何解釋”, literally “An Algebraic Postulate and a Geometrical Explanation of Lewis’s Calculus of Strict Implication”, but they fail to provide complete bibliographical references. However, Tang published a paper with the title “Algebraic Postulates and a Geometrical Interpretation of the Lewis Calculus of Strict Implication” in the Bulletin of the American Mathematical Society in 1938, where he had already published a paper on a paradox in Lewis’s calculus of strict implication two years before (Tang <CitationRef CitationID="CR96" >1936</Citation Ref>). It is well possible that these English publications were elaborating on the above-mentioned Chinese article.

  64. 64.

    Sun Zhongyuan (Sun <CitationRef CitationID="CR93" >2001</Citation Ref>: 36) gives 1922.

  65. 65.

    Sun Zhongyuan (Sun <CitationRef CitationID="CR93" >2001</Citation Ref>: 36) quotes the introduction to JinYuelin’sLun dao (“On Dao”, 1940), published in 1940, where Jin mentions the crucial role which the philosophy of Russell’s and Whitehead’s Principia Mathematica played for his understanding of philosophy – identifying himself with an analytical style of philosophy.

  66. 66.

    Sun Zhongyuan (Sun <CitationRef CitationID="CR93" >2001</Citation Ref>: 37) gives 1927.

  67. 67.

    He Lin, Dangdai Zhongguo zhexue; cit. in Sun <CitationRef CitationID="CR93" >2001</Citation Ref>: 37.

  68. 68.

    He <CitationRef CitationID="CR26" >2013</Citation Ref>: 13.

  69. 69.

    The book was published in Nanjing by Zhengshu Shuju (He <CitationRef CitationID="CR26" >2013</Citation Ref>: 265).

  70. 70.

    He <CitationRef CitationID="CR26" >2013</Citation Ref>: 13.

  71. 71.

    Republished as part of his collected works in 2011 (Yin <CitationRef CitationID="CR122" >2011a</Citation Ref>).

  72. 72.

    The book came out at Commercial Press in Chongqing (Yin <CitationRef CitationID="CR123" >2011b</Citation Ref>: 171).

  73. 73.

    He <CitationRef CitationID="CR26" >2013</Citation Ref>: 265.

  74. 74.

    Cf. Yin <CitationRef CitationID="CR123" >2011b</Citation Ref>.

  75. 75.

    He <CitationRef CitationID="CR26" >2013</Citation Ref>: 267.

  76. 76.

    For a short overview see, e.g. Sun <CitationRef CitationID="CR93" >2001</Citation Ref>: 38–39.

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Suter, R. (2020). Logic in China and Chinese Logic: The Arrival and (Re-)Discovery of Logic in China. In: Fung, Ym. (eds) Dao Companion to Chinese Philosophy of Logic. Dao Companions to Chinese Philosophy, vol 12. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-29033-7_24

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