Abstract
This chapter employs governmentality on postwar Mitrovica (Kosovo) to understand how different governing attempts structure the field of possible acts for collectives in its urban conflicts over peace(s). The first line of analysis explores how Belgrade uses its parallel institutions—which encompass everything from healthcare and education to undercover police and criminal networks—to enable, encourage, and pressure Serbs to resist integration into Kosovo in line with the Serb ethnonational peace. The second line of analyses explores how fear governs people on both sides of Mitrovica’s Ibar river into ethnonational division—according to both the Albanian and Serb ethnonational peace(s)—where “the other” is avoided and “our side” (of the city) is protected. The third line of analyses lastly explores the inability of external governing attempts to govern Albanians and Serbs towards coexistence, showing how it is either inefficient or even counterproductive.
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- 1.
77% of Kosovo’s population described themselves as Albanians in the 1981 census (Lampe 2000).
- 2.
SFRJ had 1.73 million Albanians at the time, compared to 0.57 million Montenegrins, 1.34 million Macedonians, and 1.75 million Slovenes (Lampe 2000).
- 3.
Encompassing everything from healthcare and education—being run from the houses and basements of doctors and teachers—to Kosovo-wide presidential elections (Devic 2006).
- 4.
Around 1.1 million Albanians were made refugees. The total population of Kosovo was at that time around 2 million.
- 5.
Mitrovica/Mitrovicë north of Ibar, Zvečan/Zveçan, Leposavić/Leposaviq and Zubin Potok/Potoku.
- 6.
This was mainly due Albanian and Serbian having no commonalities. Yet students did learn both languages and those that went to school before the war usually can communicate with “the other”.
- 7.
As illustrated by the fact that the Christian cemetery (used by Serbs) is in the south while the Muslim cemetery (used by Albanians) is in the north.
- 8.
- 9.
The enhanced focus on Mitrovica north of Ibar has a simple reason: it is where the urban conflicts over peace(s) mainly play out. The question is not if Albanians or Serbs will dominate Mitrovica, but whether the northern part of the city will come under Kosovar influence or not.
- 10.
“Belgrade” refers to the institutions financed by the government of Serbia, actors whose direct or indirect chain of command stems from Belgrade, and acts of the government in Belgrade. These are usually portrayed as one entity in the urban conflicts over peace(s) in Mitrovica, both by those in favour of and opposition to “Belgrade”.
- 11.
Initially UNMIK and KFOR, but later also OSCE, EULEX, the International Civilian Office (ICO), and the European Union Special Representative (EUSR).
- 12.
This phrase is used by Serbs to acknowledge Kosovo’s independence while emphasising that they do not recognise it.
- 13.
- 14.
While Albanians label these institutions as parallel and illegal, Serbs see them as the only legitimate ones whilst claiming that Kosovar institutions are either non-existent or inferior (interviews with local EUSR official 2014; politician 2011).
- 15.
KFOR and EULEX are aware of this continued presence (interview with EULEX police officer 2015; NATO analyst 2011; UNMIK official 2011). Yet they are unable and/or unwilling to do something about it.
- 16.
The integrated police officers still coordinate with local Belgrade representatives and sometimes refuse to obey commands from Pristina (interviews with EULEX official based in Pristina 2015; EULEX police officer 2015; UNMIK official 2015).
- 17.
An activist told me how these groups kept files on him for years as he was considered unreliable due to his engagement with NGOs. He was told this later on when his allegiance was not uncertain anymore (conversation 2015).
- 18.
This sum is actually so high that doctors and professors from Belgrade come to work in the city (conversations with doctor in 2011; professor 2011).
- 19.
I took notes afterwards and while the exact words are not depicted, I believe the sentiment is.
- 20.
Gračanica is one of the Serb enclaves south of Ibar, located around 10 km from Pristina.
- 21.
These barricades were erected because Kosovo deployed special KP forces to seize the checkpoints between Kosovo and Serbia, which until then had been under Serb control and thus undermined the territorial integrity of Kosovo (Guzina and Marijan 2014; Visoka and Doyle 2016). This move raised Serb concerns that the divided status quo was under attack and led to barricades intended to block all security forces understood as anti-Serb (KP as well as EULEX and KFOR when they assisted KP). The barricades were guarded 24/7, alarms were installed to gather people for emergencies, and protests were regularly organised (interviews with EULEX official 2011; local ICO official 2011; local politician 2011).
- 22.
The term “external” is here used to capture everything from external organisations (e.g. EULEX, OSCE, UNMIK) and NGOs with staff in Mitrovica to those that in some way or another meddle in the city from the outside—e.g. foreign embassies and diplomats in Pristina, different organisations (e.g. World Bank or the European Commission) though field offices, or governments in Berlin, Paris, and Washington (see also Visoka 2016).
- 23.
This also goes for the rest of Kosovo, which probably will maintain its territorial sovereignty within the political lines it had in SFRJ while Serbs maintain self-governance vis-à-vis Pristina in municipalities where they are the majority. This future does not satisfy either side at the moment.
- 24.
This led to the withdrawal of some parallel security structures, incremental integration of local Serb police into Kosovo, and many of the barricades being dismantled.
- 25.
This was part of the more wide-ranging Brussels Agreement in 2013 in which the parallel institutions were the largest stumbling-block. A week later the thitherto blocked negotiations were opened (conversation with local UNDP official; see also Bieber 2015).
- 26.
These are not controversial statements. The European Union (EU) refused to accept Serbia’s membership application for years, explicitly citing the lack of cooperation with the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY). The application was then promptly accepted when Mladić, Hodžić, and Karadžić were captured and transferred to ICTY (see Bergman and Niemann 2015; Economides and Ker-Lindsay 2015; Obradović-Wochnik and Wochnik 2012).
- 27.
- 28.
At least formally. The external mission did not arrive into a vacuum in 1999. Albanians had for years organised their lives parallel to the official Serb institutions and soon filled the power vacuum that emerged when Serbia withdrew from Kosovo, thus immediately starting to compete with the external missions (Ernst 2011; Ker-Lindsay 2012; Peterson 2010).
- 29.
I have yet to encounter anyone preferring integration. There are those who see integration as inevitable but that is their analysis, not their desire.
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Gusic, I. (2020). Contesting Postwar Mitrovica. In: Contesting Peace in the Postwar City. Rethinking Peace and Conflict Studies. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-28091-8_5
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