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Producing and Contesting Climate Injustice

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Struggles for Climate Justice
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Abstract

Climate injustice is produced by specific relationalities. Climate justice initiatives raise challenges to and endeavor to supplant those relationalities. This chapter considers some fundamental conditions of both processes, establishing as it does so the contours of their substantive origins as well as the analytical perspective that will animate subsequent chapters. That perspective combines the basic science of climate change and human dimensions thereof with a set of related empirical and conceptual concerns in geography, political ecology, socio-legal and social movement studies, and political theory. Together these help to elucidate both the challenges and the promises of climate justice as a political project.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    See, for example, WRI 2013.

  2. 2.

    For example, US Global Change Research Program 2018.

  3. 3.

    Henson 2014.

  4. 4.

    Causal links go both ways, creating positive feedback loops; for example, while sea level rise is caused by the melting of the ice caps at the Earth’s poles due to warmer temperatures, the melting of permafrost also releases stored methane into the atmosphere, which in turn strengthens the greenhouse effect. The melting of ice and snow due to rising temperatures also changes the albedo—or reflectivity—of the ground surface, increasing the absorptive of energy at the Earth’s surface and thereby accelerating melting.

  5. 5.

    IPCC 2013.

  6. 6.

    Consider, for instance, the greater potential devastation of coastal communities caused by tsunamis as the sea level rises.

  7. 7.

    IPCC 2013.

  8. 8.

    Renton 2011.

  9. 9.

    These have been linked to new strains of pandemic influenza that move easily between species hosts and spread with human and commodity transportation, for instance. Wallace 2014.

  10. 10.

    Record heat in Europe in the summer of 2003, for instance, is thought to have claimed as many as 70,000 lives, with skewed impact on the elderly. Robine et al. 2008.

  11. 11.

    WHO 2014; Haines and Ebi 2019.

  12. 12.

    See, for example, Parenti 2012.

  13. 13.

    Crutzen and Stoermer 2000; Chakrabarty 2009.

  14. 14.

    See, for example, Kolbert 2014.

  15. 15.

    Arctic Council et al. 2005; IPCC 2013.

  16. 16.

    See, for example, Blaikie and Brookfield 1987.

  17. 17.

    See, for example, Robbins 2004; Rutherford 2007.

  18. 18.

    Moore 2015.

  19. 19.

    Haraway 2015; Haraway et al. 2016.

  20. 20.

    Latour 1993.

  21. 21.

    Mitchell 2011.

  22. 22.

    UNEP 2014.

  23. 23.

    Their anthropogenic production aside, that is, climate change impacts, like other hazards, is socio-natural, rather than “natural” in their effects. Hewitt 1983; Shearer 2011.

  24. 24.

    WHO 2007; see country-level map of incidence at WHO 2019.

  25. 25.

    Agnew 1994.

  26. 26.

    The literature on relational geographies is vast; touchstones of the proceeding analysis include Harvey 1982; Massey 2005a; Lawson 2007; Smith 2008.

  27. 27.

    See, in particular, Harvey 1982.

  28. 28.

    See also Bergmann 2013. These dynamics have shifted somewhat in subsequent years as consumption and accumulation has grown in China, and as it has itself come to draw extractively on labor and resources in other countries. See, for example, Harvey 2019. The point remains, however, that assigning emissions to territory can obscure the locations of their driving conditions and benefits.

  29. 29.

    Harvey 1982; Blaut 1993; Dalby 2002, 2009; Peet 2003; Smith 2003; Mitchell 2011.

  30. 30.

    Osofsky 2006.

  31. 31.

    Gill 1995; Sparke 2012.

  32. 32.

    Lohmann 2008.

  33. 33.

    Smith 2003; Peet 2003; Mitchell 2011.

  34. 34.

    Osofsky 2006.

  35. 35.

    Gardiner 2011.

  36. 36.

    Mitchell 2011.

  37. 37.

    Blaut 1993; Escobar 1995; Mitchell 2011.

  38. 38.

    See, for example, Sparke 2005, 2006; Dalby 2002, 2009.

  39. 39.

    Gardiner 2011, 320.

  40. 40.

    Massey 2005b; Oxfam 2015.

  41. 41.

    See, for example, Harvey 1996; Lazarus 2004; Schlosberg 2007; Bullard 2008; NAACP 2012.

  42. 42.

    See, for example, Terry 2009; Wildcat 2013; Oxfam 2015; Jafry 2018.

  43. 43.

    Harvey 2007.

  44. 44.

    Nixon 2011.

  45. 45.

    Layzer 2015.

  46. 46.

    Lazarus 2004.

  47. 47.

    Gardiner 2006, 2011.

  48. 48.

    The latter corresponds to “political opportunity structures ” as theorized by social movement scholars. Meyer and Minkoff 2004. With particular relevance for the foregoing case analyses, see Miller 1994; Kriesi 1995; Van Der Heijden 2006.

  49. 49.

    On legal mobilization more broadly, see Turk 1976; Zemans 1983; McCann 1994.

  50. 50.

    Gloppen and St. Clair 2012.

  51. 51.

    See also Delaney 2003, 2010.

  52. 52.

    Blomley 1994; Blomley et al. 2001.

  53. 53.

    Keck and Sikkink 1998, 1999; Salamon and Sokolowski 2004; Salamon et al. 2003; Kaldor et al. 2003, 2012.

  54. 54.

    See, for example, CorpWatch 2000.

  55. 55.

    See Newell 2005; Pettit 2004; Bond 2011, for discussion of the emergence of climate justice politics at the international level.

  56. 56.

    The November 2010 list of Climate Justice Now! network members names nearly 800 such groups. See Climate Justice Now! 2010.

  57. 57.

    See, for example, Routledge 2011.

  58. 58.

    Derman 2014; see also Dryzek et al. 2003; Mahoney 2008.

  59. 59.

    Gramsci 1971; Hart 2006.

  60. 60.

    Swyngedouw 2007, 2010.

  61. 61.

    It is worth noting that Edwards’ (2009) typology of meanings does not exhaust those associated with “civil society,” particularly as deployed across successive periods of social theory. In Hegel’s usage, for instance, the term is associated with the sphere of market competition, to the extent that Hegel’s analysis of social conflict within “civil society” resembles Marx’s discussion of that between capitalists and between capital and labor (see Harvey 1981). Late twentieth- and early twenty-first-century associations with the term, while enfolding these earlier connotations distinguishing “private” life from control by “the state,” have clearly moved significantly; for example, Kaldor et al. 2012. See also Gidwani 2009.

  62. 62.

    Gramsci 1971, 243.

  63. 63.

    Bond (2005) reads the differing emphases in African civil society in terms of these two opposing historical narratives, to suggest the peril within the promise of alignment through the Social Forum process.

  64. 64.

    Polanyi 2001; Fraser 2011.

  65. 65.

    Cf. Kaldor et al. 2012.

  66. 66.

    Hart 2006, 2013; Featherstone 2011; see Chap. 6.

  67. 67.

    Layzer 2015.

  68. 68.

    Interview, Washington, DC, April 2010.

  69. 69.

    As they have been repeatedly. See, for example, Routledge (2017) for consideration of innovative spatial practices in climate justice mobilization during the Paris COP in 2015.

  70. 70.

    Loftus 2013.

  71. 71.

    Massey 2005a, 9.

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Correspondence to Brandon Barclay Derman .

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Derman, B.B. (2020). Producing and Contesting Climate Injustice. In: Struggles for Climate Justice. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27965-3_1

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27965-3_1

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  • Publisher Name: Palgrave Macmillan, Cham

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