Abstract
This chapter examines Tivoli Gardens, the most emblematic garrison in Jamaica, where the state has historically maintained a collaborative relationship with criminal dons who provide their own form of de facto citizenship to residents who often face hostile encounters with the security forces. A number of themes related to the way in which the community has acted as a site of citizenship, simultaneously rivalling and acting in concert with the state, is examined. The use of emergency powers, lack of state legitimacy coupled with the absence of any guarantee of security through the state and strong political identities are critical for understanding the trajectories of security and violence in Tivoli Gardens and the relationship between the community and the state. The May 2010 security ‘operation’ (according to the state) or ‘incursion’ (according to research participants living in Tivoli) and the narratives of people about their rights and relationship with the state, which this chapter explores, provide a useful snapshot of the community in transition. Such a transition necessarily involves moving away from the ‘one order’ governance of the don to a re(assertion) of state power and an attempt at weakening the gangs. While most residents in Tivoli Gardens regard the localized, one order system as the best means of governing and guaranteeing security and respect for rights, it is viewed by the state and sections of Jamaican society as a threat to national security.
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Notes
- 1.
Coke is regarded as the head of the Shower Posse, a criminal organization with international criminal groups in the US, Canada, the UK, and South and Central America. The Shower Posse is involved in drug-smuggling, money laundering, extortion, murder for hire, and gun smuggling (Report of the Commission of Enquiry into the extradition Request for Christopher Coke, 2010).
- 2.
There are two Memoranda of Understanding between Jamaica and the US, covering the terms under which extradition requests are made and honoured. However, interception of wireless information must also be in accordance with the Interception of Communications Act, and there were discrepancies between the secret MOUs and the Act.
- 3.
The Prime Minister admitted that he had in fact tried to lobby the US on behalf Coke: ‘I sanctioned the initiative, knowing that such interventions have in the past proven to be of considerable value in dealing with issues involving the governments of both countries. I made it clear, however, that this was an initiative to be undertaken by the party, not by or on behalf of the government’ (Jamaica Gleaner, September 19, 2010).
- 4.
It is worth noting too that most of the crimes committed in Jamaica are committed by young males, 30 years and under.
- 5.
The don made it known that it’s time for people to ‘live up’—it’s not all about politics and defending party. The men who are from St. Laurent, [a community that supports the other major political party], and those from Tivoli Gardens are coming together now. And it is money that the boss is now placing significant emphasis on. He is also telling the youths they must [should] ‘defend the dollars’. Before he became the leader of the community, none of this happened. You would not find a Tivoli Gardens ’ youth and a youth from Rema socialising so closely.
- 6.
See Ivelaw Griffith (1998) for an expansive discussion on Caribbean security and the implication and impact of Jamaica’s involvement in the drug trade between North and Central America for which it is a major transhipment point.
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Campbell, Y. (2020). Suspension of Rights, Security Operations and Dons: Opting Out of State Citizenship?. In: Citizenship on the Margins. Studies of the Americas. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27621-8_4
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27621-8_4
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