Abstract
This chapter explores how inequality and rights violations are legitimated and discursively organised by the prevailing discourses on Human Rights and Transformative Constitutionalism (HR&TC). Our case example is post-1994 South Africa, focusing on the notions of HR&TC as idolatry that generate a fictitious narrative of inclusive socio-economic and cultural-political progress in the ‘aftermath’ of apartheid, but we also extend our argument to the global human rights discourse. This narrative, into which HRE is hooked, produces a phantasmal ‘reality’. It follows, so we argue, that mainstream HRE does not have the praxes-related resources to escape the logic of neoliberal pedagogies and thus does not work against the economisation of rights and its conversion into capital rights. Consistent with our overarching project on CHRE, we suggest critique as a strategy to work against idolatry for HRE to contribute to developing antidotes to the phantasmagoria.
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Notes
- 1.
See epilogue of the Interim Constitution (Act 200 of 1993). The salutation of the Promotion of National Unity and Reconciliation Act (no 34 of 1995) states:
[…] the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa (Act 200 of 1993), provides a historic bridge between the past of a deeply divided society characterised by strife, conflict, untold suffering and injustice, and a future founded on the recognition of human rights, democracy and peaceful co-existence for all South Africans, irrespective of colour, race, class, belief or sex; [...] it is deemed necessary to establish the truth in relation to past events as well as the motives for and circumstances in which gross violations of human rights have occurred, and to make the findings known in order to prevent a repetition of such acts in future; [...] the Constitution states that the pursuit of national unity, the well-being of all South African citizens and peace require reconciliation between the people of South Africa and the reconstruction of society; [...] the Constitution states that there is a need for understanding but not for vengeance, a need for reparation but not for retaliation, a need for ubuntu but not for victimisation; [...].
The preamble of the final Constitution (Act 108 of 1996 which commenced on 4 February 1997) reads as follows:
[...] We therefore, through our freely elected representatives, adopt this Constitution as the supreme law of the Republic so as to: heal the divisions of the past and establish a society based on democratic values, social justice and fundamental human rights; lay the foundations for a democratic and open society in which government is based on the will of the people and every citizen is equally protected by law; improve the quality of life of all citizens and free the potential of each person; and build a united and democratic South Africa able to take its rightful place as a sovereign state in the family of nations.
- 2.
As it is pointed out:
The notion of a bill of rights for South Africa can be traced back to an ANC document from the early 1920s. The Freedom Charter of 1955 carried the idea forward. In the following decades, the idea of an entrenched bill of rights received support from liberal academics and judges. The question of who would enforce it, however, was left open. This void was debated at a conference organised by the Constitutional Committee of the ANC in 1991. What emerged was a commitment to a Constitutional Court in a hybrid continental form, similar to that of Germany: able to hear cases by direct access, as well as by referral and on appeal.
[http://www.constitutionalcourt.org.za/site/thecourt/history.htm, accessed on 12 October 2018].
- 3.
Regarding the work of the TRC:
The work of the TRC was accomplished through three committees: Human Rights Violations (HRV) Committee investigated human rights abuses that took place between 1960 and 1994. Reparation and Rehabilitation (R&R) Committee was charged with restoring victims’ dignity and formulating proposals to assist with rehabilitation. Amnesty Committee (AC) considered applications for amnesty that were requested in accordance with the provisions of the Act. In theory the commission was empowered to grant amnesty to those charged with atrocities during Apartheid as long as two conditions were met: The crimes were politically motivated, and the whole truth was told by the person seeking amnesty. No one was exempt from being charged. Even ordinary citizens, members of the police could be charged and, most notably, members of the African National Congress, the ruling party at the time of the trial, could also be charged. Out of a total of 7112 petitioners, 5392 people were refused amnesty, and 849 were granted amnesty (there were a number of additional categories, such as withdrawn). The commission brought forth many witnesses giving testimony about the secret and immoral acts committed by the Apartheid Government, the liberation forces including the ANC, and other forces for violence that many say would not have come out into the open otherwise. On October 28, 1998 the Commission presented its report, which condemned both sides for committing atrocities. [https://www.sahistory.org.za/article/truth-and-reconciliation-commission-trc-0, accessed on 15 October 2018].
- 4.
See TRC final report (n.d.):
Reconciliation is a process which is never-ending, is costly and often painful. For this process to develop, it is imperative that democracy and a human rights culture be consolidated. Reconciliation is centred on the call for a more decent, more caring and more just society. It is up to each individual to respond by committing ourselves to concrete ways of easing the burden of the oppressed and empowering the poor to play their rightful part as citizens of South Africa.
- 5.
As Zajda and Ozdowski (2016, p. 103) explain:
The ‘State Institutions Supporting Constitutional Democracy’ – known as the Chapter 9 Institutions, after their place in the Constitution – consist of the Public Protector (PP), the Auditor General (AG), the Electoral Commission (IEC), the South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC), the Commission for Gender Equality (CGE), and lastly, the Commission for the Protection of the Rights of Cultural, Religious and Linguistic Communities. These institutions are independent of government, subject only to the Constitution and the law, and report annually to Parliament.
- 6.
A revived language of liberal democracy became increasingly prevalent in the mid-1980s, and was accentuated by the demise of the former Soviet Bloc and the rise of ethno-nationalist conflict in the Balkans. Since 1990, nearly all transitions from authoritarian rule have adopted the language of human rights and the political model of constitutionalism, especially in Latin America and the new states of Eastern Europe. The end of the Cold War and the threat of irredentist nationalism led many intellectuals in Europe from a variety of political traditions to promote human rights and a return to the Enlightenment project.
- 7.
As Madlingozi (2017, p. 149) writes: “Post-1994 fetishisation of human rights accords with the deification of the Constitution. This deification is seen in the way the Constitution is often evoked and invoked as the ‘best constitution in the world.’”
- 8.
Transitional justice is understood here as
a response to systematic or widespread violations of human rights. It seeks recognition for victims and promotion of possibilities for peace, reconciliation and democracy. Transitional justice is not a special form of justice but justice adapted to societies transforming themselves after a period of pervasive human rights abuse. In some cases, these transformations happen suddenly; in others, they may take place over many decades. [https://www.ictj.org/sites/default/files/ICTJ-Global-Transitional-Justice-2009-English.pdf accessed on 17 October 2018].
- 9.
The Abahlali baseMjondolo (Shack Dwellers) movement
began in Durban, South Africa, in early 2005. Although it is overwhelmingly located in and around the large port city of Durban it is, in terms of the numbers of people mobilised, the largest organisation of the militant poor in post-apartheid South Africa. Its originary event was a road blockade organised from the Kennedy Road settlement in protest at the sale, to a local industrialist, of a piece of nearby land long promised by the local municipal councillor to shack dwellers for housing’. [http://abahlali.org/a-short-history-of-abahlali-basemjondolo-the-durban-shack-dwellers-movement/ accessed on 26 October 2018].
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Zembylas, M., Keet, A. (2019). Capital Rights: Human Rights Education and Neoliberal Pedagogies. In: Critical Human Rights Education. Contemporary Philosophies and Theories in Education, vol 13. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27198-5_5
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