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Class Consciousness in Late-Twentieth-Century America

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Abstract

In this chapter, I explain the nature of “class consciousness” in America in light of both the standard sociological definitions in stratification theory and the Marxist sense of the term. I argue that the Marxist concept provides us with a useful tool missing from other definitions: the key concept of agency. After outlining a class-based explanation of our political system—Stanley Aronowitz’s notion of an elite political directorate composed of competing factions—I provide a relatively detailed history of the post-war decline of working-class consciousness and the concomitant rise of what I call a fully developed form of ruling-class consciousness. I chart how these forms of consciousness influenced and were influenced by politics.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    See Divine and Savage (2005, 10–12) for a history of theories of class consciousness, and Divine (2005, 142–46) for a history of the study of the nature of class consciousness. For an argument that Americans are more class conscious than has been generally recognized, see Vanneman and Cannon (1987).

  2. 2.

    This view is reiterated by Gibson-Graham et al. (2000, 9) and William Dow (2009, 6).

  3. 3.

    One subset of working-class literature is proletarian literature, which is devoted, Bill Mullen says, to “a class-conscious or Marxist approach to themes that have shaped American literature from 19th-century realism and naturalism forward to contemporary multiculturalism: the individual versus the collective, the impact of race, gender, and sexuality on identity, labor, and work conditions, and the problem of upward mobility.” See especially Foley (1993) for a defense of proletarian literature as a sophisticated genre in regards to aesthetics and politics.

  4. 4.

    Schocket (2006, 14) resists the trend toward treating class as a matter of personal identity and instead defines class as a process of ongoing, historically contingent exploitation, which is understood in part by the way this exploitation is “constructed” in fiction.

  5. 5.

    To Ollman’s basic categories, Michael Mann (1973, 13) adds the concept of “totality” as a bridge between opposing another class and conceiving of an alternative society. To Mann, in order to make the leap toward conceiving an alternative society, workers need to realize that their own class status is a synecdoche for all of society, that their oppression is inherent in society as a whole.

  6. 6.

    For a brief history of the elite formation of the American governmental structure, see Higley and Burton (2006, 109–14).

  7. 7.

    Rather confusingly, Aronowitz (2003, 11) calls these social formations “class formations,” or as he puts it, “class occurs when insurgent social formations(s) make demands that cleave society and engender new social and cultural relations.” This usage, however, ignores the traditional distinctions among classes in the standard taxonomies of economic and social status, and so I will refer to what Aronowitz calls “class formations” as social movements that often cross class lines.

  8. 8.

    See Fink (1983) for a history of the Knights of Labor.

  9. 9.

    For a summary of these surveys, see Lipsitz (1994, 230–33).

  10. 10.

    See also Lipset, Trow, and Coleman (1956) on the International Typesetter’s Union as an example of a union that kept local control as long as it could—until the early twentieth century.

  11. 11.

    For a full history of the right-wing attempt to dominate the federal judicial system, see McGlaughlin and Avery (2013).

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Smit, D. (2019). Class Consciousness in Late-Twentieth-Century America. In: Power and Class in Political Fiction. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-26769-8_2

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