Abstract
American journalism’s preoccupation with fake news, civility and subversion in the aftermath of Trump represents an attempt by the journalistic field (Bourdieu, 1998 & 2005) to re-articulate its cultural capital as the technocratic arbiter of Truth. American liberalism has retreated into techno-metaphors of the social which attribute Trump’s ability to circumvent the disciplines of journalistic fact-checking or civic norms as a corruption of communicative networks in the form of fake news, hacking and data breaches. The disproportionate concern for Russian subversion of democratic processes perpetuates the technocratic illusion of data-informed mastery over contingent political forces and “truth”. In disavowing the field’s role in the rise of Trump, an embattled “Resistance” habitus akin to Edward R. Murrow has emerged in order to cast the crisis as a battle for decency, civility and a patriotic centre against the subversive outside (Muhlman, 2008). The field restages past battles as a performative invocation of former glories to engender the forms of urgent affective media prosumption (Jutel, 2017) that are at the heart of fake news economies. The cost of “saving” truth and the field of journalism is the subsumption of its autonomy to the field of power as national security entrepreneurs, think tanks and research centres all offer the fantasy of divining foreign subversion within communicative networks. This techno-solutionism (Morozov, 2014) and civility fetish is necessary to avoid an antagonistic political articulation of truth, what Bourdieu terms an ‘idée-force’ (2005: 39), that would force a traumatic confrontation with the field’s own complicity in the rise of Trump.
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Notes
- 1.
I term this a class rather than a field because it centres around the heteronomous high culture poles of fields without it announcing or regulating itself as a field.
- 2.
Michael Wolf’s all-access account “Fire and Fury” claims Trump had no interest in winning the presidency but was driven by a mediatized rationale that ‘losing was winning’ (Wolf 2018, p. 34). Trump would increase his fame as a ‘martyr to crooked Hillary’, while Ivanka and Jared would emerge as ‘international celebrities and [Trump] brand ambassadors’ (ibid., p. 34). Trump’s former lawyer Michael Cohen testified to the US House Oversight Committee that Trump saw his campaign as ‘the greatest infomercial in political history’ (2019). Cohen confirmed Wolf’s account that Trump ‘never expected to win the primary. He never expected to win the general. The campaign for him was always a marketing opportunity’ (ibid.).
- 3.
Caton (2017) cites this refrain and similar funding pleas in the months after the election in the ad and editorial copy of the Guardian U.S., Los Angeles Times, San Francisco Chronicle and Slate.
- 4.
Bourdieu’s view of politics as the power to impose symbolic violence and the ‘legitimate principle of vision and division’ (2005, p. 39) is not dissimilar from the discourse theory premise that antagonism is the ontologically necessary condition of possibility for politics.
- 5.
In a similar vein Thompson writes in the Introduction to Bourdieu’s Language and Symbolic Power ‘Linguistic utterances or expressions are always produced in particular contexts or markets, and the properties of these markets endow linguistic products with a certain “value”’ (1991, p. 18).
- 6.
Murrow himself, the subject of Red Scare smears, famously battled Joseph McCarthy on appeals to his own exemplary patriotism: ‘The record would soon show who had served the Communists – You or I’ (Muhlmann, p. 103).
- 7.
The grand narrative of Trump/Russia collusion, which has been effectively shot down by the publication of the Mueller report, has been a spectacular collective failure of the field with leaders such as The Guardian, CNN, MSNBC and Slate having committed egregious acts of misreporting (Greenwald 2019).
For an exploration of Russiagate narratives see Jutel (2017b, 2020).
- 8.
The feverish state of the perpetual Resistance news cycle was satirized by the online video company Super Deluxe (2018). The video titled “Donald Trump Is Finished” is a supercut that tracks the use of Trump era media clichés; “Bombshell”, “Turning Point”, “Beginning of the End”, “Tipping Point”, throughout his presidency.
- 9.
One of the more remarkable examples of the Times’ civility fetish was the coverage of Allan Dershowitz’s personal travails in the exclusive Martha’s Vineyard vacation island. Dershowitz wrote a self-serving column for The Hill in which he describes his liberal neighbours cold shoulder, resulting from his critiques of the Mueller investigation, as a regrettable ‘symptom of the times’ (2018). The Times astonishingly gave this “story” the front page and ran four stories, across four different news desks involving eight different journalists in the course of six days (Grove 2018).
- 10.
McCain was a consistent target of brutal personal attacks from Trump and was subsequently held up by journalists, in the words of the Columbia Journalism Review, ‘as the standard bearer for all that is decent and noble in American politics’ (Vernon 2018). This vaunted status speaks to McCain’s commitment to the rules of the game and the cultivation of a certain media capital, through his often public and dramatic deliberations as a crucial Senate vote, rather than a substantive political antagonism. McCain’s voting record in the Senate was 83% in alignment with the Trump White House which was among the highest for Republicans Senators who represent a district in which Trump won by less than 5% (FiveThirtyEight 2019).
- 11.
As a politics sans antagonism it is susceptible to co-optation as with Trump’s “Jobs not Mobs” mid-term election campaign slogan which cast the populists as victims of incivility.
- 12.
2020 Democratic party presidential hopeful Kamala Harris in her campaign launch stated of Trump and Russia; ‘we have foreign powers infecting the White House like malware’ (2019).
- 13.
The journalist and historian Thomas Frank identifies the Democratic party presidential candidacy of George McGovern in 1972 as a decisive split from organized labour towards the post-industrial professionals that influential party strategist Frederick Dutton described reverentially as ‘aristocrats en masse’ (Frank 2016, p. 41).
- 14.
Writing for Harpers Thomas Frank (2018) has decried journalism’s inferiority complex to the cult of the professional; ‘This is a field…that has to a pathological degree embraced the forces that are killing it. No institution has a greater appetite for trendy Internet thinkers than journalism schools. We are all desperately convincing ourselves that we need to become entrepreneurs, or to get ourselves attuned to the digital future – the future that is described to us by a cast of transparent bullshit artists’ (p. 145).
- 15.
One of the promises of the digital revolution was the democratization of powerful data tools such as Google’s Fusion Tables. The announcement of Google’s shutdown of Fusion Tables (Melendez 2018) is a blow to data journalism and much like Facebook’s “pivot-to-video ” demonstrates the pitfalls of the field’s faith in monopolistic tech platforms.
- 16.
One of the rallying cries for the far-right pro-Trump conspiracy movement QAnon is the former National Security Advisor Michael Flynn’s address to the conservative Young Americans Foundation. Flynn attributes the success of the Trump campaign to ‘an army of digital soldiers…what we call citizens journalists…who took over the idea of information. They did it through social media’ (YAFTV 2016). What is remarkable here is just how thoroughly the American far-right has taken on the techno-optimist discourses of alternative and social media empowerment.
- 17.
Adrian Chen of the New Yorker who originally uncovered the Internet Research Agency troll farm has opined that the IRA’s campaign was ‘inept and haphazard’ and has been ‘blown out of proportion’ by so-called ‘information warfare’ experts (Chen 2018). He jibes that ‘only an expert, well-versed in terms such as “exposure,” “feedback loops,” and “active measures,” can peer into the black box and explain to the layperson how it works’ (ibid.).
- 18.
The $46,000 IRA campaign amounted to just 0.05% of political Facebook ad spends during the 2016 elections and posts generated by suspected Russian accounts amounted to 1 out 23,000 pieces of content on Facebook’s news feed (Mate 2018). Mate has described the IRA as a conventional clickbait marketing operation which glommed onto the US presidential campaign, among many other topics, because this was a driver of impassioned online prosumption.
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For Tony Schirato a friend and great Bourdiuian.
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Jutel, O. (2019). Civility, Subversion and Technocratic Class Consciousness: Reconstituting Truth in the Journalistic Field. In: Overell, R., Nicholls, B. (eds) Post-Truth and the Mediation of Reality. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-25670-8_9
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