Abstract
This chapter illustrates why and how the existing theoretical models in the study of ethnopolitics need to be updated in light of the latest developments and the increasing impact of new catalysts. These are, namely, anti-immigration and the rise of the populist and radical right across Central and Eastern Europe. This chapter hints that the more systematic cooperation between academic experts in nationalism and academic experts in the populist and radical right will enable: (a) the former to assess more accurately the degree to which new variables such as Euroscepticism and anti-immigrant trends can reshape ethnopolitics, both as a living reality and a field of study, across Central and Eastern Europe; (b) the latter to formulate new interpretative models about how (right-wing) populist and Eurosceptic actors embed their agendas inside the pre-existing political cultures of nationalism and particularistic identity and memory politics. This chapter introduces and outlines the ethnosymbolic approach as well as the triadic and quadratic configurations of ethnopolitics. Then, it proceeds into a more empirical assessment of the applicability of these theoretical approaches in a series of case studies during the 1990s, as well as the more recent emergence of new catalysts and the ensuing necessity to update and upgrade the existing theoretical models.
This piece has been authored courtesy of an individual research fellowship, as part of the Marie Skłodowska-Curie actions (Horizon 2020 - project name: 749400-MERWBKBS).
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Notes
- 1.
For instance, nineteenth century Greek intellectuals (Adamantios Koraes, in particular) bewailed the degeneration of their contemporary Greeks in comparison to the underlying genius of their community, as revealed in its purest form during the golden age of Periclean Athens (fifth century BC).
- 2.
On some occasions, the need for the regeneration of the community may acquire rather mystical and semi-religious dimensions. A notable example is the notion of the ‘Serbian Golgotha’ in Serbian nationalist imagery. On this issue, see Tomašić (1948: 30).
- 3.
An appropriate example of this kind is certain British state rituals (e.g. Remembrance Day).
- 4.
For example, Mao Tse-tung frequently stressed the ‘family ties’ among the Chinese people, and their descent from a common ancestor (Huang-ti, the legendary first emperor of China).
- 5.
This project largely consisted in tentative portrayals of the war in southeast Ukraine as a conflict between ‘neo-Fascists’ (i.e. the post-Maidan Ukrainian government) and ‘anti-Fascists’ (i.e. the Donbas separatists). On this issue, see the relevant excerpts of Vladimir Putin’s Crimean speech (18 March 2014) at: http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/news/20603.
- 6.
Ibid.
- 7.
- 8.
- 9.
Presidency Conclusions, Copenhagen European Council (1993, p. 7.A.iii), available online at: http://www.europarl.europa.eu/enlargement/ec/pdf/cop_en.pdf (accessed 10 June 2018). Also, see http://ec.europa.eu/enlargement/enlargement_process/accession_process/criteria/index_en.htm (accessed 10 June 2018).
- 10.
- 11.
EKRE (2015).
- 12.
On the Hungarian case and the party of Jobbik (Movement for a Better Hungary), see: Kovarek et al. (2017: 63–87). For the party’s official position, see: ‘Immigration increases tensions in Europe’ (https://www.jobbik.com/immigration_increases_tensions_europe) (accessed 12 June 2018).
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Petsinis, V. (2020). Ethnopolitics Across Central and Eastern Europe in a State of Flux: Time for Updating and Upgrading?. In: Bogdanova, O., Makarychev, A. (eds) Baltic-Black Sea Regionalisms. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-24878-9_3
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