Skip to main content

Linguistic Structures as Cognitive Structures

  • Chapter
  • First Online:
Language, Biology and Cognition
  • 315 Accesses

Abstract

In view of the fact that we intend to understand the structure of (linguistic) cognition and also that the relation to the underlying biological infrastructure is not an intermediate link, language seems to be the most optimal bridge that can take us inside the arena of cognition. With this goal, this chapter advances the idea the linguistic structures are themselves cognitive structures (in a linguistic garb) and demonstrates this by taking into account a number of interesting and yet intricate linguistic phenomena revealing the logical texture of linguistic cognition. Thus, a number of cases of linguistic phenomena such as variable binding, quantification, complex predicates, and word order that are logically intricate and defy a unifying linguistic explanation are examined in detail. Many of the principles underpinning the cognitive constitution of linguistic structures may also be taken to be the ‘laws’ of our underlying cognitive organization.

This is a preview of subscription content, log in via an institution to check access.

Access this chapter

Chapter
USD 29.95
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Available as PDF
  • Read on any device
  • Instant download
  • Own it forever
eBook
USD 49.99
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Available as EPUB and PDF
  • Read on any device
  • Instant download
  • Own it forever
Softcover Book
USD 64.99
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Compact, lightweight edition
  • Dispatched in 3 to 5 business days
  • Free shipping worldwide - see info
Hardcover Book
USD 99.99
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Durable hardcover edition
  • Dispatched in 3 to 5 business days
  • Free shipping worldwide - see info

Tax calculation will be finalised at checkout

Purchases are for personal use only

Institutional subscriptions

Notes

  1. 1.

    Thus, for example, if we have the sentence ‘Raj loves what he needs’ where on one interpretation ‘he’ is bound by ‘Raj’, the logical analysis will be this: Raj [⋋x [x loves what x needs]]. It may be observed that the same lambda operator scopes over or controls the variable x which stands for the binder on the one hand and ‘he’ on the other.

  2. 2.

    Even if the content-filler is present in some prior linguistic construction, that is, linguistically present in the discourse, it has to be (re)encoded in a linguistic format for the new linguistic context in which the variable in question is present.

  3. 3.

    Many people do not consider ‘only’ to be a standard quantifier because it can be used before a whole (quantificational) noun phrase itself as in ‘only the president’, ‘only three soldiers’, ‘only Meera’ or even in ‘for students only’. If ‘only’ can precede a quantifier itself in a (quantificational) noun phrase, this indicates that ‘only’ is not located in the position of quantifiers in (quantificational) noun phrases. This is not possible for standard quantifiers such as ‘every’, ‘a/some’, ‘most’ etc. (see also von Fintel 1997). Besides, ‘only’ can also be used adverbially as in ‘He only pushed the bar’, and as an adjective in examples like ‘the only man’, ‘my only book’.

  4. 4.

    This, of course, depends on the measure of |RC| which is, in the present case, the cardinality of the set of those individuals who do not die on the war front (see (94)). The value of this may vary depending on the context. For instance, if the value of |RC| is 10,000, then the calculation of the values taken from this example in terms of the equation of (94) will produce the desired inequality. However, if, for example, the value of |RC| is 6000, the desired inequality will not obtain. In other words, in this case 100 soldiers dying on the war front will not count as ‘many soldiers’.

  5. 5.

    This is so because one of the fundamental axioms of set theory is that a set is a subset of itself. Hence any set as a whole is a subset of itself.

  6. 6.

    The underlying assumption here is that the basic word order in Bengali is SOV (Subject-Object-Verb), and hence, if the object appears at the beginning of the sentence rather than before the verb, the assumption is that the object has been fronted. Likewise, we say the verb has been fronted and so on. Note that if there is no basic word order present in a language, the concept of fronting does not even make sense (see Mithun 1992).

  7. 7.

    That is the reason why in the Hungarian examples (115a–c) the material minus the item fronted is within braces.

  8. 8.

    It may be noted that the notion of a bound assumes a different level of significance, especially when the number of items is small enough. If this number is just two, for instance, the difference between sequencing and indexing is virtually inessential as they can be tracked either by their sequential positions or by their indices in more or less similar ways. Here, it does not make much of a difference since the permutation possibilities and the number of items are the same (that is, 2), regardless of whether sequencing or indexing is deployed. A greater number of items creates a great deal of burden on the memory and indexing can facilitate tracking many items within the space of a greater number of permutation possibilities which increase with the increasing number of items to be tracked. But sequencing, on the other hand, can be cumbersome for the memory if more than one sequence may be valid or licit for a given range of items whose number is greater than two.

  9. 9.

    This particular aspect becomes more prominent in question formation requiring the permutation of the word that is questioned. The example below from Warlpiri is illustrative here.

    Verse

    Verse nyarrpa Japanangka wangka-ja  [pirrarni-rli           kuja            nyiya  luwa-rnu]? how      Japanangka  say-PAST  [yesterday-ERG COMPL      what   shoot-PAST ‘What did Japanangka say he shot yesterday?’

    (Hale 1994: 204)

    Here the object of the verb ‘luwa’ (meaning ‘shoot’) is questioned but it does not undergo a permutation for question formation; instead, a proxy question word—that is, the word ‘nyarrpa’—is placed at the beginning of the sentence to form the appropriate question.

  10. 10.

    The glimmering of this difference was perhaps recognized in the formulation of Generative Semantics (Lakoff 1971; Postal 1972) wherein the semantic representation from which syntactic surface structures were derived was representational, whereas the emergence of surface structures was derivational.

  11. 11.

    One scenario where displacement operations can be transparent to the surface structure is the case of raising. The following shows this clearly.

    Sentence (S): The professor seems to be smart.

    Pre-Derivational Representation: [S seems [[the professor] to be smart]]

    Post-Derivational Representation: [S [the professor] seems [ __ to be smart]]

    The symbol ‘_’ above indicates the place from where the noun phrase ‘the professor’ has been shifted. This structural displacement has taken place because the noun phrase ‘the professor’ does not get case within the infinitival clause ‘to be smart’ (which is tenseless) and hence moves to the front in order to receive case. The point to be highlighted is that the string ‘The professor seems to be smart’ matches the structural representation at the post-derivational stage, while it differs from the structure at the pre-derivational stage.

  12. 12.

    Here the clause ‘why he did it’ can be said to originate in the argument position of ‘understand’, as it is in (123a), and since the subject position of the entire sentence is empty, a dummy subject (which is ‘it’) is inserted in the front position. But then, the entire clause ‘why he did it’ can itself play the role of the subject of the whole sentence and may then move to the front position to serve as the subject. This is what we see in (123b).

  13. 13.

    Some sentences are known to be grammatically well-formed and yet introduce processing difficulties. The following sentence first discussed by Bever (1970) is a paradigm example of this.

    ‘The horse raced past the barn fell’.

    This sentence introduces the difficulty when the reader/listener is sort of ‘led down the garden path’ in interpreting ‘raced’ as the matrix verb of the main subject ‘the horse’, when in fact the actual matrix verb is ‘fell’ which is related to ‘the horse’ but this relation is interrupted by the reduced relative clause ‘raced past the barn’. That is, the sentence becomes clearer if we insert ‘that was’ between ‘horse’ and ‘raced’, thereby changing it to ‘The horse that was raced past the barn fell’. Hence the name ‘garden path’ is attached to such constructions.

References

  • Anderson, J. M. (2006). Structural analogy and universal grammar. Lingua, 116, 601–633.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Baker, M. C. (2001). The Atoms of Language: The Mind’s Hidden Rules of Grammar. New York: Oxford University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Baker, B., & Harvey, M. (2010). Complex predicate formation. In M. Amberber, B. Baker, & M. Harvey (Eds.), Complex Predicates: Cross-linguistic Perspectives on Event Structure (pp. 13–47). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

    Chapter  Google Scholar 

  • Baltin, M., Déchaine, R., & Wiltschko, M. (2015). The irreducible syntax of variable binding. LingBuzz. http://ling.auf.net/lingbuzz/002425.

  • Barwise, J., & Cooper, R. (1981). Generalized quantifiers and natural language. Linguistics and Philosophy, 4, 159–219.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Bever, T. G. (1970). The cognitive basis for linguistic structures. In J. R. Hayes (Ed.), Cognition and the Development of Language (pp. 279–362). New York: Wiley.

    Google Scholar 

  • Bodomo, A. B. (1997). Paths and Pathfinders: Exploring the Syntax and Semantics of Complex Verbal Predicates in Dagaare and other Languages (PhD dissertation) Trondheim: The Norwegian University of Science and Technology.

    Google Scholar 

  • Bresnan, J. (2001). Lexical Functional Syntax. Oxford: Blackwell.

    Google Scholar 

  • Butt, M. (1995). The Structure of Complex Predicates in Urdu. Stanford, CA: CSLI Publications.

    Google Scholar 

  • Chomsky, N. (1965). Aspects of the Theory of Syntax. Cambridge: MIT Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Chomsky, N. (1985). Knowledge of Language: Its Nature, Origin, and Use. New York: Praeger.

    Google Scholar 

  • Chomsky, N. (1995). The Minimalist Program. Cambridge: MIT Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Fauconnier, G. (1994). Mental Spaces. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

    Book  Google Scholar 

  • Foley, W. A. (2010). Events and serial verb constructions. In M. Amberber, B. Baker, & M. Harvey (Eds.), Complex Predicates: Cross-linguistic Perspectives on Event Structure (pp. 79–109). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

    Chapter  Google Scholar 

  • Foley, W. A., & Olson, M. (1985). Clausehood and verb serialisation. In J. Nichols & A. C. Woodbury (Eds.), Grammar Inside and Outside the Clause (pp. 17–60). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Fortuny, J. (2015). From the conservativity constraint to the witness set constraint. LingBuzz. http://ling.auf.net/lingbuzz/002227.

  • Gӓrdenfors, P. (2000). Conceptual Spaces: The Geometry of Thought. Cambridge: MIT Press.

    Book  Google Scholar 

  • Hale, K. L. (1992). Basic word order in two “free word order” languages. In D. L. Payne (Ed.), Pragmatics of Word Order Flexibility (pp. 63–82). Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

    Chapter  Google Scholar 

  • Hale, K. L. (1994). Core structures and adjunctions in Warlpiri syntax. In N. Corver & H. van Riemsdijk (Eds.), Studies on Scrambling: Movement and Non-Movement Approaches to Free Word Order (pp. 185–219). Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.

    Google Scholar 

  • Hawkins, J. A. (2004). Efficiency and Complexity in Grammars. New York: Oxford University Press.

    Book  Google Scholar 

  • Jackendoff, R. (1990). Semantic Structures. Cambridge: MIT Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Jackendoff, R. (2002). Foundations of Language: Brain, Meaning, Grammar, Evolution. New York: Oxford University Press.

    Book  Google Scholar 

  • Keenan, E. L., & Stavi, J. (1986). A semantic characterization of natural language determiners. Linguistics and Philosophy, 9(3), 253–326.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Kiss, K. É. (1998). Discourse-configurationality in the languages of Europe. In A. Siewierska (Ed.), Constituent Order in the Languages of Europe (pp. 681–728). Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.

    Google Scholar 

  • Lakoff, G. (1971). On generative semantics. In D. D. Steinberg & L. A. Jakobovits (Eds.), Semantics: An Interdisciplinary Reader in Philosophy, Linguistics and Psychology (pp. 232–296). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Langacker, R. (1987). Foundations of Cognitive Grammar. Stanford: Stanford University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Langacker, R. (1999). Grammar and Conceptualization. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.

    Book  Google Scholar 

  • Levin, B., & Hovav, R. (2005). Argument Realization. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

    Book  Google Scholar 

  • Mithun, M. (1992). Is basic word order universal? In D. L. Payne (Ed.), Pragmatics of Word Order Flexibility (pp. 15–62). Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

    Chapter  Google Scholar 

  • Miyagawa, S. (2003). A-movement scrambling and options without optionality. In S. Karimi (Ed.), Word Order and Scrambling (pp. 177–200). Oxford: Blackwell.

    Chapter  Google Scholar 

  • Miyagawa, S. (2009). Why Agree? Why Move?: Unifying Agreement-Based and Discourse-Configurational Languages. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.

    Book  Google Scholar 

  • Mondal, P. (2014). Language, Mind, and Computation. London: Palgrave Macmillan.

    Book  Google Scholar 

  • Peters, S., & Westerståhl, D. (2006). Quantifiers in Language and Logic. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Pollard, C., & Sag, I. (1994). Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Postal, P. (1972). The best theory. In S. Peters (Ed.), Goals of Linguistic Theory (pp. 131–170). Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall.

    Google Scholar 

  • Pritchett, B. (1992). Grammatical Competence and Parsing Performance. Chicago: Chicago University Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Reuland, E. J. (2011). Anaphora and Language Design. Cambridge: MIT Press.

    Google Scholar 

  • Sabel, J., & Saito, M. (Eds.). (2005). The Free Word Order Phenomenon: Its Syntactic Sources and Diversity. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.

    Google Scholar 

  • Tesniére, L. (1959). Eléments de Syntaxe Structurale. Paris: Klincksieck.

    Google Scholar 

  • van Benthem, J. (1983). Determiners and logic. Linguistics and Philosophy, 6(4), 447–478.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • van Hoek, K. (1996). A cognitive grammar account of bound anaphora. In E. Casad (Ed.), Cognitive Linguistics in the Redwoods: The Expansion of a New Paradigm in Linguistics (pp. 753–792). Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.

    Google Scholar 

  • von Fintel, K. (1997). Bare plurals, bare conditionals, and only. Journal of Semantics, 14(1), 1–56.

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Wilson, S. (1999). Coverbs and Complex Predicates in Wagiman. Stanford, CA: CSLI Publications.

    Google Scholar 

Download references

Author information

Authors and Affiliations

Authors

Corresponding author

Correspondence to Prakash Mondal .

Rights and permissions

Reprints and permissions

Copyright information

© 2020 The Author(s)

About this chapter

Check for updates. Verify currency and authenticity via CrossMark

Cite this chapter

Mondal, P. (2020). Linguistic Structures as Cognitive Structures. In: Language, Biology and Cognition. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-23715-8_4

Download citation

  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-23715-8_4

  • Published:

  • Publisher Name: Palgrave Macmillan, Cham

  • Print ISBN: 978-3-030-23714-1

  • Online ISBN: 978-3-030-23715-8

  • eBook Packages: Social SciencesSocial Sciences (R0)

Publish with us

Policies and ethics