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Global Versus National Income Inequalities and Their Impact on Global Governance

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Abstract

The debate on the increasing income and wealth inequalities in the USA and some other advanced economies often disregards the opposite trend, i.e. decreasing income inequalities between individuals throughout the entire world. The purpose of this chapter is to examine the potential trade-off between both trends and the role of globalisation in such a trade-off. Another important question relates to the impact of this trade-off on global governance. On the one hand, catch-up growth in emerging-market economies and the resulting decrease in global inequality can help reduce the economic and social sources of political conflicts and tensions between countries and enable their cooperation on various issues such as trade, environment, climate change, health, fighting terrorism, managing migration and many others. On the other hand, growing income inequalities within advanced economies can undermine the existing global political and economic order and boost protectionism and nationalistic egoism in many areas.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    See Ferreira (1999) for a broader overview of theories of growth and distribution and Furman (2017) for discussion on whether inequalities are harmful or helpful for economic growth.

  2. 2.

    This is a substantially modified and expanded version of Dabrowski (2018).

  3. 3.

    See Grigoryev and Pavlyushina (2019) for a critique of the Gini coefficient and Slay et al. (2014) for a discussion of alternative tools for measuring.

  4. 4.

    For several countries presented in Figs. 13.1, 13.2, 13.3 and 13.4—e.g. China, France, Mexico, Nigeria and Russia—the Gini coefficients in Version 6.2 of the SWID differ substantially from Version 5.1 published in July 2016.

  5. 5.

    This is also confirmed by other studies, for example, Gordon (2016: 608–613).

  6. 6.

    This is exactly the message that one can get from Seguino et al.’s (2013) report, beginning with its title ‘Humanity Divided’. In particular, see ‘Overview’. The same applies to Alvaredo et al. (2017) and Ridao-Cano and Bodewig (2018).

  7. 7.

    Darvas (2016b) provides a comprehensive overview of the most frequently used statistical methods and tests their accuracy based on four countries (the USA, Australia, Canada and Turkey) that collect both national and subnational inequality statistics. He comes to the conclusion that the method of two-parameter distribution is the most accurate and uses it to compute global and regional Gini coefficients.

  8. 8.

    Not all EMEs grew rapidly enough to contribute to GDP per-capita convergence and diminishing global income inequalities. This applies, for example, to a substantial part of sub-Saharan Africa that has de-converged in relative terms since the early 1980s. That is, they diminished the positive contribution made by China, India and other fast-growing EMEs.

  9. 9.

    Consider the role of Silicon Valley, Wall Street or the City of London.

  10. 10.

    Michael Kremer and Eric Maskin developed a theoretical model that explains income polarisation in EMEs as a result of what they call the ‘internationalisation of the production process’, i.e. the division of labour within GVC (Maskin 2015). The same model can explain income polarisation in AEs.

  11. 11.

    The concept of ‘superstars’ was first introduced by Rosen (1981).

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Correspondence to Marek Dabrowski .

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Dabrowski, M. (2020). Global Versus National Income Inequalities and Their Impact on Global Governance. In: Grigoryev, L., Pabst, A. (eds) Global Governance in Transformation. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-23092-0_13

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