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Abstract

It has taken me time to arrive at trauma. I have been hovering around it for more than a decade, ever since I thought, perhaps somewhat naively, that sociology could help me to make sense of the way in which our lives got caught in a bewildering swirl of war and destruction. And although people say that trauma is a staple feature of our epoch, that we live in “trauma culture” (Kaplan 2005), this does not make my own less painful. Its capacity to occasionally overwhelm me at unbearable levels is not diminished—but often amplified—by the images of misery that inundate us on a daily basis. While trauma has pervaded the pages that I have written, I did not have the courage or the means for putting my finger on it—it has for long remained a stowaway in my texts, an invisible co-traveller waiting to be drawn to the surface, identified, named. It is only through years of psychotherapy and therapeutic feminist scholarship that I have now managed to take a better look at it, to approach it and touch it, and, to a certain extent, harness its colossal affective force. I could thus become more aware of how it colours numerous aspects of my existence serving as a thread that runs through generations of my ancestors and connects me—in still insufficiently recognised ways—with many of my contemporaries, extended family members and (former) conationals.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Scholars have differentiated between primary, secondary, and vicarious traumatisation. While primary traumatisation means that the person herself has been exposed to an existential shock, secondary traumatisation refers to the trauma being transmitted between family members (e.g., transgenerationally), where exposure to traumatised persons is involuntary. Vicarious traumatisation is used to describe the process through which trauma is transmitted in a professional relationship (psychotherapy, social work, or research) or through the study of emotionally demanding material (Maček 2014; Pearlman 2014). Doná (2014) proposes the concept of intersectional traumatisation as an entanglement of primary, secondary, and vicarious traumatisations.

  2. 2.

    Baraitser (2017) argues that we no longer live with an expectation of a progressive future, but have quotidian experiences of suspended time: waiting, delaying, staying, remaining, enduring, returning, and repeating.

  3. 3.

    I opt for the word lesbianity to emphasise “experience and quality rather than a particular state or a problematic condition, which is the case with the more common ‘lesbianism’ – a word of either/both dismissive or/and medical connotations, which has its roots in psychiatric discourse” (Olasik 2015, p. 202).

  4. 4.

    Similarly, Ana Miškovska Kajevska (2017, p. 12), in her book on anti-nationalist and “nationalist” feminists in Belgrade and Zagreb, says: “It turned out that I knew the majority of potential anti-nationalist respondents. Without having ever cooperated closely, they had been my first teachers of feminism”.

  5. 5.

    There are no official data regarding the frequency of femicide in Serbia, reflecting the lack of interest of the state in preventing this practice. On the basis of newspaper articles, the activist organisation Women Against Violence reports that in 2017 at least 26 women were murdered by their husbands/partners or other family members (Lacmanović 2017). At least 20 women were murdered in the first half of 2018 (Lacmanović 2018). Only between 16 and 18 May 2015, seven women were killed in family or partner violence (Beta 2018). In the period between 2012 and 2015, women in Serbia constituted around 80 per cent of victims of domestic violence (Spasić 2018). Similarly, between 2012 and 2016, 72 women were killed by their husbands, partners, or other known men in Croatia, making femicide account for 25–30 per cent of all homicides in that country (Slobodna Dalmacija 2017). In Montenegro, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Croatia, the frequency of femicide is higher than the European average (Burba and Bona 2017). These data cannot transmit the harrowing manner in which many of these women lost their lives: some were stabbed, strangled, or shot in front of or together with their children. In some cases this even happened at a social work centre (Stojanović 2018).

  6. 6.

    Žmak (2017, online) writes: “Today it is hard for me to describe how my own emotional state, my intimate life had looked like before I came out, probably because I never talked about these issues with anyone. No, not with a single person. I spent the first around twenty years of my life in an absolute silence about my sexuality. That is an aspect of my growing up which never ceases to fascinate me (…) it took me the whole of twenty five years to understand that I am attracted by women, to fall in love madly with one of them and to then immediately announce this to myself and to others. And years after I came out to myself and others, my narrative about that process was the same: no, I was not homophobic, yes, I knew that gays and lesbians existed, I went to prides, my best friend was gay, I knew that all of that existed, but I was not aware that I was a part of it, that I myself was actually a lesbian”.

  7. 7.

    The volume On the Rainbow Way to Europe (Bilić 2016a) highlights the problematic nature of speaking (about) homosexuality/non-heterosexuality in the Yugoslav space solely in the language of the European Union’s integration process.

  8. 8.

    Croatia, Poland, Hungary, and Lithuania, all witnessed a homophobic backlash in the post-EU accession period due to such a formalistic approach to LGBT liberation. For example, only four months after the accession (1 July 2013), Croatia changed its Constitution to define marriage as a union between a man and a woman. It thus effectively prohibited same-sex marriage with a national referendum (Bilić 2016b). See also Butterfield (2016).

  9. 9.

    Here I am referring to Franz Kafka’s idea that “a book must be the axe for the frozen sea inside us” (as cited in Wolters 2014, online).

  10. 10.

    It is said that the Serbian theatre scholar Jovan Ćirilov was the first to demand decriminalisation of homosexuality when participating in the 13th Congress of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia in 1986. However, he never managed to do a coming out as a political act that would have introduced sexual difference in the public sphere. When confronted with the question of his (homo)sexuality, he would respond, “How could you know what I am when I myself don’t know?” (as cited in Optimist, 2014, online).

  11. 11.

    As it became obvious that Pride marches could not count on the state’s support and were running the risk of being violent, the Queer Belgrade Collective festivals (mostly organised by women activists) took place throughout the 2000s experimenting with the concept of queer. Interestingly enough, the reliance on this concept (at the time relatively poorly known in the Yugoslav region) led to “a new kind of closet” which allowed activists to organise public events without provoking violent reactions. This lasted until 2008, when a Belgrade daily published the article Hidden Gay Festival Again in Belgrade, stripping queerness of its conceptual richness and exposing festival organisers to homophobic attacks (Bilić and Dioli 2016).

  12. 12.

    The bridge is never far away. We grew up with the idea that our space was a “bridge” (a hyphen) between the East and the West—a metaphor of our perennial in-betweenness.

  13. 13.

    Ahmed (2017, p. 228) says that lesbians have “to be too much” if they are “not to be brought down by what [they] come up against”.

  14. 14.

    During a rather tense discussion following my lecture on post-Yugoslav lesbian activism at the New Europe College in Bucharest in January 2017, a local lesbian activist who, along with a few others, came to the College to attend that event told me: “I am not comfortable with a man writing about me and using me as a research object”. However, critical feminist sociology has gone beyond such clear-cut “subject-object” divisions. Over the last ten years of my work with mostly women and LGBT feminist initiatives, I have made an effort to move from the “research on activism” paradigm to the reflexive “activist research” (for more on this see Bilić and Stubbs 2016). After the lecture, a lesbian friend, who was also there, told me that she has “to think about why she feels a bit embarrassed in front of radical lesbians”. I presume this may be because radical lesbianity attempts to universalise a specific way of being lesbian (similar to gay patriarchy’s effort to promote as desirable a certain kind of (macho) gay).

  15. 15.

    Recent LGBT advancements across the world make non-heterosexual struggles appear (entirely) supportive of rather than (occasionally also) subversive to neoliberalism, which does not only occlude their intersectionally sensitive strands but also obscure their leftist origins (e.g., Hekma et al. 1995). The coupling of non-heterosexuality and capitalism has sometimes made the (declaratively) progressive political groups assume a rather dismissive stance towards the social realities of lesbians and other non-heterosexual people (see, e.g., Bilić and Stubbs 2016).

  16. 16.

    The word “intermestic” (international + domestic) refers to domestic elites who, through their connections with international political actors and funding bodies, translate Western/EU policies into locally intelligible schemes.

  17. 17.

    In her essay Three Cases of Male Feminists Marina Blagojević (2002) categorises male feminists as those who have a diploma, who respect, and who admire (their wives). In Blagojević’s view, a man who declares himself feminist chooses the safest route for being “without any hesitation” considered liberal intellectual, “an exception that should be caressed and cared for, preserved as something very precious”, “a man of the world” who “gets scholarships easily” and may even become “a feminist leader” (Blagojević 2002, p. 634). In spite of his supposed commitment, a male feminist with a diploma is a problem for (some) women feminists—he is not to be trusted, as he cannot possibly have access to the world of “women’s worries, emotional intelligence, [and] intuitive relationship towards reality”.

  18. 18.

    Esther Newton is the pioneering anthropologist of lesbian and gay communities in the United States who did ethnographic work with gay men. She (Newton 1993, p. 17) says, “important to my survival – I mean that quite literally – was the forceful advocacy for human variation, gender and otherwise, in both Mead’s and Benedict’s work”.

  19. 19.

    “Gay men are”, as Keuroghlian puts it, “primed to expect rejection”. “We’re constantly scanning social situations for ways we may not fit into them. We struggle to assert ourselves. We replay our social failures on a loop” (Hobbes 2017, online).

  20. 20.

    In late 1991, Aida Bagić, Biljana Kašić, and Vesna Janković, active in the Anti-War Campaign of Croatia, travelled with three activists from the Belgrade-based Centre for Anti-War Action—Zorica Trifunović, Lina Vušković, and Branka Novaković—around Germany in order to familiarise German activists with the anti-war efforts in their countries. Janković (as cited in Janković and Mokrović 2011, p. 102) describes this as “a traumatic experience” because “communication was almost no longer possible” towards the end of the tour due to the contextual and ideological differences among the activists. I am citing this here to highlight how the traumatic aspect of the encounter is associated with a loss of language. However, it was not only communication that was failing but their language itself. Repeatedly violated and impoverished, Serbo-Croatian soon became violent towards those who spoke it: Vesna Janković (as cited in Janković and Mokrović 2011, p. 104), a feminist anti-war activist, remembers how she felt after returning to Zagreb from this three-week-long tour: “I was shocked by the situation I found upon my return … by the newspeak (novogovor) that invaded me from the television”. It is this loss of the Serbo-Croatian that contributed to paving the way for the armed conflicts which would profoundly damage the hyphen that connects its two components. More about the anti-war activist tour around Germany in Bilić (2012a, b, c).

  21. 21.

    What can be done sociologically with such a tricky issue is not only shaped by the biography of the author, but also by the dominant political discourses in any single country. Pervasive political narratives, like the one of the Homeland War in Croatia, constrain the topical perimeter in the institutional sites of sociological knowledge production. This has both reduced the space for the “twin cultures approach” in that country and increased its subversive potential.

  22. 22.

    Slapšak (2012) argues that other cultural couples are possible, that is, necessary: Serbia and Montenegro, Montenegro and Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and Slovenia, and so on.

  23. 23.

    Selmić (2016) shows that in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the country in which “enemies” live together or, at least, next to each other, non-heterosexual people are increasingly positioning themselves outside and beyond the ethnocratic political system that perpetuates the idea that ethnic belonging is the crucial criterion of political life. In this regard, she asks whether LGBT activist initiatives could encourage trans-ethnic networks of solidarity and support that would open up a path towards a different kind of polity in this profoundly divided country.

  24. 24.

    Veljak (2005) proposes the concept of “antithetical solidarity” to describe opposed forces that end up supporting each other when having a “common” interest. This logic is applicable to the devastating political projects of Slobodan Milošević and Franjo Tuđman and can account for the trope of their “good mutual understanding”.

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Bilić, B. (2020). Introduction: In Lesbian Worlds. In: Trauma, Violence, and Lesbian Agency in Croatia and Serbia . Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-22960-3_1

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-22960-3_1

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  • Publisher Name: Palgrave Macmillan, Cham

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