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Controversial Approaches to Measuring Mixed-Race in Belgium: The (In)Visibility of the Mixed-Race Population

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The Palgrave International Handbook of Mixed Racial and Ethnic Classification

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Abstract

Through a socio-historical analysis, this chapter elucidates the measurement of mixedness in Belgium. The federal state does not systematically measure the mixed-race population which, in contemporary national surveys, is included under the category of nationals of foreign origin. Origin is conceptualized as ancestry: having a foreign-born parent or grandparent categorizes mixed children among nationals of foreign origin. Individuals cannot self-describe as belonging to an ethnic group and ethnic labels are not included in any administrative or identity documents. The study of colonial and contemporary ideologies—namely the ‘mulatto problem’, gender and nationality rights, and the Flemish and French socio-political divide on the collection of ethnic statistics—assists in better understanding the (in)visibility of this topic. Although nationality is the variable employed to distinguish foreign residents from citizens, the persistent inequalities in labour market inclusion led, in 2013, to a federal consensus on the need for measuring origin to tackle ethnic-based discrimination among citizens. These developments may improve knowledge on visible origins, perceived discrimination, and mixedness. Nonetheless, beyond revising social ethno-stratification and colonial history, recent migration management poses new questions concerning mixed unions and mixed descendants.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Belgium is a federation of three ‘communities’ (Flemish, French, and German) and three ‘regions’ (Flanders, Wallonia, and Brussels-Capital) with legislative and executive powers according to the article 1 of the Belgian constitution. The ‘communities’ have competences related to cultural, educational, and welfare policies, the ‘regions’ deal mostly with economic and territorial policies. Immigration law, citizenship, and political rights are federal prerogatives. Each region has also its own statistical agency, but they refer to the federal Direction générale Statistique et Information économique (DGSIE) charged with census and official population statistics. In 2014, the Institut interfédéral de Statistique was created.

  2. 2.

    In 1885, Leopold II, King of Belgium, formally acquired personal rights to the État indépendant du Congo (currently the Democratic Republic of Congo) as he named it. At his death, he offered his private property used for producing rubber to Belgium, which in 1908 annexed it as a colony. In 1916, Belgium occupied Rwanda and Burundi, which were unified in 1924. Ruanda-Urundi, under the international mandate of the League of Nations, was controlled by Belgium until 1962. The Colonial Chart (Charte coloniale) of 18 October 1908, organizing the colonial public law in the Belgian-Congo, was applied to Ruanda-Urundi as well.

  3. 3.

    In metropolitan Belgium, the Belgian subjects who reached Belgium could become Belgian citizens, but then Belgium hampered their return to Africa to protect the segregationist system in place.

  4. 4.

    The historians estimate that in 1959 Congo, out of over 14 million inhabitants, only 1557 individuals owned a card of civil merit as a ‘developed native’, and only 217 of the special identity card holders had enhanced status as ‘civilised’. Over time, the status of developed natives was improved, thanks to the introduction of freedom of movement and education rights, but only for few individuals (AMB/MVB 2017).

  5. 5.

    As in the case of the so-called ménagère, local women were materially considered as objects by many colonizers (Lauro 2005).

  6. 6.

    In the same years, Europe saw the rise of Nazism and Fascism.

  7. 7.

    Relationships between European women and Black men were extremely rare. The cases were highly stigmatized and were often hidden—three cases were officially mentioned over forty years (Heynssens 2012, 2017).

  8. 8.

    This was a Belgian specificity reinforced by jurisprudence: in a 1939 decision, Costermansville Court of First Instance affirmed: ‘The mulatto whose filiation is legally established only regard to the native ascendancy falls in the legal category of the native indigenous litigants’ (Colin 1940, p. 105, in Jeurissens 2002, p. 504). In the French colonies, the métis physical appearance allowed access to citizenship rights (Saada 2007, pp. 218–221), while the English and Netherlands conceded such rights only after an examination of ancestry and education.

  9. 9.

    The Belgian jurist and politician Paul Crokaert affirmed: ‘the mulatto is the depositary of White and Black characteristics juxtaposed, between which no fusion will happen’ (Crokaert 1935, p. 2). This immeasurably socio-juridical fracture represented an immense personal suffering.

  10. 10.

    Not yet independent.

  11. 11.

    Known as loi Gol, the law, approved on 28 June 1984 and entered into force on 1 January 1985, formalized the Belgian Nationality Code.

  12. 12.

    As in the cases of the young mothers forced to put their children up for adoption (almost 30,000) in Flanders between 1950 and 1980. Meanwhile, AMB/MVB sought to consolidate and allow access to both French and Dutch files relating to the displaced métis in a single location, the Flemish agency for family and children’s well-being.

  13. 13.

    Chambre de représentants de Belgique. 2018. Résolution relative à la ségrégation subie par les métis issus de la colonisation belge en Afrique. Bruxelles: doc 54 2952/(2017/2018). See the previous proposals of resolution: doc. 74 (2016–2017)/1 « concernant la ségrégation ciblée à l’encontre des métis issus de la colonisation belge et ses conséquences dramatiques, en ce compris les adoptions forcées » (French Parliament of Brussels; 24 January 2017, approved on the 17 March 2017), 6-341/1 « visant à soutenir et à reconnaître la communauté des métis en Belgique, enfants de la colonisation » (Belgian Senat, 29 April 2017).

  14. 14.

    From 1830, the year of independence, to 1909, Belgian nationality and indigeneity were regulated by constitutional prescriptions and the Civil code of 8 March 1803 (Rea and Bietlot 2006, p. 144). Jus sanguinis was tempered by the application of the option de patrie: an individual born in Belgium to a foreigner can apply for Belgian nationality at twenty-five years old if he/she lives in Belgium. This norm has lasted even if its conditions have varied over time.

  15. 15.

    See art. 2M -1 Circulaire concernant le Code de la nationalité belge, 6 août 1984/30: « Chaque fois que dans le Code le mot auteur est usité, on entend par ce terme aussi bien la mère que le père. De plus, le Code ne comporte aucune distinction entre les enfants naturels et légitimes: dès lors, ces termes n’y figurent pas».

  16. 16.

    Unless a contrary declaration is made by the concerned party. The 1984 reform probably explains the 1800 recoveries of Belgian nationality in Wallonia between 1985 and 1994 (Chambre Q144 8/12/95, in Lambert 1999).

  17. 17.

    Known as loi Wathelet, the law was approved on 3 September 1991, and entered into force on 1 January 1992.

  18. 18.

    Law of 6 August 1993 changing the Code on Belgian nationality and the Law regarding naturalization.

  19. 19.

    Law of 1 March 2000, entry in force on the 1 May 2000.

  20. 20.

    A previous law of 27 December 2006 incorporating various provisions to the arts. 379–389. Here, it is the law of 4 December 2012, in force since 1 January 2013. Since 2013, forfeiture is possible as well, if Belgian citizenship was acquired by a marriage annulled as a marriage of convenience. For details see Foblets et al. (2013).

  21. 21.

    The Registre d’attente gathers the data of the asylum seekers and irregular foreigners, while the Registre des étrangers deals with the temporarily resident foreigners.

  22. 22.

    See: http://www.census2011.be/doc/metadata_fr.pdf.

  23. 23.

    The terms already appeared in the 1989 report of the Commissariat royal à la politique des immigrés, a federal institution in charge of proposing integration policy recommendations (Jacobs and Rea 2009, p. 47).

  24. 24.

    Translation by Jacobs & Rea (2009, p. 47).

  25. 25.

    The measurement of linguistic affiliation has also been forbidden since 1964 after the latest modification of the language borders.

  26. 26.

    Among the families of foreign origin, ‘since 2002–2003 a distinction has been made between “western” and “non-western” families’ (Jacobs and Rea 2009, p. 50).

  27. 27.

    To go further on this specific topic, see the outcomes of the ERC project EQUOP, Equal Opportunities for Migrant Youth in Educational Systems with High Levels of Social and Ethnic Segregation: Assessing the Impact of School Team Resources directed by Dirk Jacobs.

  28. 28.

    Created in 1993, the Centre was transformed in 2016 into an inter-federal institution mandated to fight discrimination and to promote equal opportunities, UNIA, Centre interfédéral pour l’égalité des chances.

  29. 29.

    In 2006, 91% of Belgians of Turkish origin married a partner of the same origin, compared to 83% of Moroccans and 53% for all other foreign origins (CECLR 2010). Many research projects—mainly by Dutch academics—have been conducted on the issue in Belgium. Recently, distinguishing three choices around partnering ((1) marrying a partner from the country of origin, (2) marrying a local co-ethnic partner, (3) establishing a mixed marriage) and focusing on the role of migration history and transnational links, culture, religion, language, skin colour, and community size, Dupont et al. (2017) have shown that the nowadays partner selection patterns still bear the traces of the starting conditions that migrant groups experience when they first enter the country, even if changes are observed among Moroccan and Turkish populations. It might be worthwhile underlining that religion (mainly Islam) and skin colour still could be interpreted as a divide with respect to intermarriages. Restrictive reforms around migration law add constraints to the issue. Nevertheless, “on the basis of three related dichotomies (1. agency versus structure, 2. us versus them and 3. romantic versus instrumental marriage intentions)” (Casier et al. 2013, p. 460) one study reveals that religious, gender, and social class boundaries are stretched to meet personal/individual desires and preferences in partner choice (ibidem).

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Acknowledgements

Special thanks are due to the interviewees whose narratives, researches and expertise informed this article: Assumani Budagwa, François Milliex, Jacqui Goegebeur (members of the association AMB-MVB), Sarah Heynssens, Louise Callier, Faiza Djait and Barbara Herman. Furthermore, I would like to thank Zarine Rocha and Peter Aspinall for their guidance and comments on this article.

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  1. Collège de France, CI Migration & Aix-Marseille Université, CNRS, LAMES, Paris/Aix-en-Provence, France

    Laura Odasso

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  1. Department of Sociology, National University of Singapore, Singapore, Singapore

    Zarine L. Rocha

  2. Centre for Health Services Studies, University of Kent, Canterbury, UK

    Peter J. Aspinall

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Odasso, L. (2020). Controversial Approaches to Measuring Mixed-Race in Belgium: The (In)Visibility of the Mixed-Race Population. In: Rocha, Z.L., Aspinall, P.J. (eds) The Palgrave International Handbook of Mixed Racial and Ethnic Classification. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-22874-3_15

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