Abstract
Judith Butler argues that when we start to ask critical questions about which socio-political contexts may make human lives more viable to flourish and which may not, we find that some live lives outside a frame furnished by a norm that does not recognize them as a life and hence impossible for us to imagine, and to grieve and mourn their loss. This chapter uses Butler’s ideas on precariousness and liveability to discuss the social and political conditions and cultural contexts of children in poverty. It first outlines Butler’s notions of precariousness and the precarity of life as the violent contexts in which certain lives are not recognised. Next, it examines how the framing and reframing of poverty according to the notion of ‘liveability’ helps improve the social and ecological wellbeing of those living in poverty in ASEAN member states (AMS). Finally, it investigates why the precariousness for children born into poverty in AMS continues to rise, in spite of economic growth and political pledge to protect the rights of children by examining the context of child exploitation. It argues that the idea of ‘childhood’ as we know it does not exist in some of these AMS and this contributes to the increased precariousness for children born into poverty. These children are only able to make their lives liveable by embracing the absence of ‘childhood’ and are only recognized as living valuable lives when they contribute to the family income. This requires community effort and political will to challenge the framing of children as resource and assert the right of children to have a right to live viable lives.
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Notes
- 1.
The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) was established on 8 August 1967 in Bangkok, with the signing of the ASEAN Declaration. Its founding members were Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore and Thailand. Brunei Darussalam joined ASEAN in 1984, Vietnam in 1995, Lao PDR and Myanmar in 1997, and lastly, Cambodia in 1997, forming ASEAN’s tenth member.
- 2.
Parents cited their inability to provide education for their children as the single largest contributing reason why they place their children in residential care centres, besides other socio-economic reasons such as remarriage, single parenting, large families and alcoholism.
- 3.
In Filipino society, Christianity introduced by the Spanish colonizers has been one of the major sources of patriarchal beliefs and practices. Media portrayal of women as simple housewives who are weak and submissive and dependent on men, or as sex objects are prevalent.
- 4.
In Surakata Indonesia for example, 7 out of 10 children exploited n the commercial sex sector do so because they hoped to make money to support their families. See Deana Davy’s report Regional Overview: The Sexual Exploitation of Children in Southeast Asia. http://www.ecpat.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/02/Regional-Overview_Southeast-Asia.pdf
- 5.
See Karen Coates. 2007. Cambodia’s culture of child labour. Sydney Morning Harald. Dec 23. https://www.smh.com.au/news/world/cambodias-culture-of-child-labour/2007/12/22/1198175409303.html?page=2. This report highlights an example of the cultural attitude of child workers.
- 6.
Chabdai, set up in 2005, is an example of advocacy work by pulling together other organisations to conduct research and develop training in human trafficking and abuses issues in Cambodia. See http://chabdai.org/about/. Action Pour Les Enfants (APLE) Cambodia is another example of an NGO that worked closely with the government to provide social service.
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Ang, J.M.S. (2019). Precarious Childhood. In: Brando, N., Schweiger, G. (eds) Philosophy and Child Poverty. Philosophy and Poverty, vol 1. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-22452-3_12
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