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Introduction: The Life and Qiyās of Abū Isḥāq al-Shīrāzī (393H/1003 CE-476H/1083 CE)

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Inferences by Parallel Reasoning in Islamic Jurisprudence

Part of the book series: Logic, Argumentation & Reasoning ((LARI,volume 19))

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Abstract

In the chapters that follow, Shahid Rahman and Muhammad Iqbal provide us with a comprehensive logical analysis of Abū Isḥāq al-Shīrāzī’s two forms of qiyās-based argumentation, which they aptly translate as inference by parallel reasoning. Their painstaking labour is bound to interest both the Islamic studies historian and the contemporary logician. For the former, among whom I include myself, their methodological approach of embedding qiyās argumentation within its proper historical dialectical context sheds new light on Islamic legal argumentation. Building upon Walter Young’s thesis that Islamic legal rules and argumentative principles were “forged” through debate itself, Rahman and Iqbal demonstrate the series of steps al-Shīrāzī deemed necessary to secure a successful deployment of qiyās while in a debate gathering. In marked contrast to typical scholarly treatment of qiyās which (implicitly) assumes a solitary jurist whose monological comparison of like-cases goes unquestioned, they show how the successful deployment of qiyās often depended upon a jurist offering a deeper defense of his background assumptions about two cases. The juristic use of qiyās therefore necessitated a wider exploration of the legal system. For the logician, Rahman and Iqbal suggest that the Islamic tradition can enter into conversation with the modern study of dialectical argumentation. Like Amira Mittermaier, whose study of contemporary dreams in Egypt, argues that Ibn ‘Arabī and al-Ghazālī are just as valuable as Freud or Sartre to our understanding of dreams and the imagination, Rahman and Iqbal show that al-Shīrāzī and the Islamic legal tradition are worthy interlocutors of Wittgenstein and other contemporary logicians. In particular, they show that meaning and knowledge are immanent or internal to dialogical exchanges insofar as the reasons justifying claims depend on a set of propositions embraced by both participants.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Young (2017, p. 1).

  2. 2.

    Mittermaier (2010).

  3. 3.

    Peacock (2015); Talas (1939).

  4. 4.

    See for instance Brinkley Messick’s study of modern-day Yemeni legal scholars (Messick 1996).

  5. 5.

    The most comprehensive biography of al-Shīrāzī is found in al-Subkī (1964, p. 4:215–256). See also Ibn Khallikān (1978, pp. 1:29–31), Ibn-Qāḍī Shuhba (1987, pp. 1:238–240), Ibn al-Ṣalāḥ al-Shahrazūrī, al-Nawawī, and al-Mizzī (1992, pp. 1:302–10), Ibn Kathīr (2002, pp. 430–442) and Hītū (1980).

  6. 6.

    Al-Subkī (1964, p. 4:227).

  7. 7.

    Ephrat (2000, p. 51).

  8. 8.

    All biographical entries agree that al-Shīrāzī’s study period with al-Bayḍāwī was in Shiraz. I follow them within this biographical sketch. However, the critical historian should know that this might actually be mistaken as al-Shīrāzī himself notes that al-Bayḍāwī lived in Baghdad and biographical sources on al-Bayḍāwī do not place him in Shiraz, see for instance Ibn Qāḍī Shuhba (1987, p. 1:177).

  9. 9.

    For more on al-Dārakī, see al-Shīrāzī (1970, p. 117).

  10. 10.

    Al-Subkī (1964, p. 3:22).

  11. 11.

    Al-Shīrāzī (1970, p. 109).

  12. 12.

    Al-Shīrāzī often speaks of jurists’ preserving school opinions (ḥāfizan li’l-madhhab), al-Shīrāzī (1970, pp. 130–131).

  13. 13.

    Al-Juwaynī (2007), Al-Subkī (1964, pp. 5:165–172).

  14. 14.

    According to biographers, al-Shīrāzī studied with Ibn Rāmīn in Shiraz. This appears improbable since Shīrāzī himself tells us that Ibn Rāmīn was a Basran jurist, al-Shīrāzī (1970 p. 125). Al-Shīrāzī apparently also studied under a jurist named al-Kharazī but al-Shīrāzī does not mention him in his own biographical dictionary (1970).

  15. 15.

    Al-Subkī (1964, p. 3:62).

  16. 16.

    The Nukat is among the few texts al-Shīrāzī authored which is still only available in manuscript form, currently in the Princeton collection. It is available online at http://pudl.princeton.edu/objects/sb397b864 (accessed October 16, 2018).

  17. 17.

    See Turkī’s introduction in the Sharḥ al-Luma‘(1987, p. 44).

  18. 18.

    Ibn Athīr (2012, p. 8: 212).

  19. 19.

    Ibn Athīr (2012, pp. 8:283–284); al-Subkī (1967, p. 4:219); Ibn al-Jawzī (1992, p. 16:227).

  20. 20.

    Al-Subkī (1964, p. 216).

  21. 21.

    Al-Shīrāzī (1988, p.788).

  22. 22.

    See debate transcripts in al-Subkī (1967, pp. 4:237–256).

  23. 23.

    J. Schacht (1959) effectuated the early research on qiyās, see chap. 9.

  24. 24.

    For instance, Aḥmad ibn Ḥanbal had no compunction about including dubiously transmitted ḥadīth within his collection Al-Musnad. For more on the ahl al-ḥadīth methodology, see Lucas (2010) and Spectorsky (1982).

  25. 25.

    El Shamsy (2007).

  26. 26.

    Shāfi‘ī (2005 p. 24); for secondary literature on the topic, see Lowry (2007).

  27. 27.

    El Shamsy has shown the prayer direction to be an enduring metaphor for ijtihād within Shāfi‘ī juristic thought (2008). See also Soufi (2017).

  28. 28.

    For instance, al-Jaṣṣāṣ (2000), al-Bāqillānī (2012), Qāḍī Abū Ya‘lā (1990), al-Juwaynī (1997).

  29. 29.

    Al-Shīrāzī also mentions some Shi‘ī groups, al-Shīrāzī (1988, p. 760) and (1980, p. 419).

  30. 30.

    Al-Shīrāzī (1988, pp. 762–763).

  31. 31.

    Al-Shīrāzī (1988, p. 767).

  32. 32.

    Al-Shīrāzī (p. 768).

  33. 33.

    For more on the Ẓāhirīs, see Osman (2014).

  34. 34.

    Al-Shīrāzī (p. 779). The translation of Qur’anic verses is taken from Abdel Haleem (Oxford: Oxford World Classics).

  35. 35.

    See e.g., (1997, p. 8).

  36. 36.

    Al-Shīrāzī (1988, p.869) and (1980, p. 425).

  37. 37.

    Al-Shīrāzī (1988, p.869).

  38. 38.

    Al-Bājī (2004), Al-Jaṣṣāṣ (2000), Ibn al-Farrāʼ (1990).

  39. 39.

    E.g. Al-Baṣrī (1995, p. 2:215).

  40. 40.

    Hallaq (1997, p. 127).

  41. 41.

    Young (2017, pp. 491–492).

  42. 42.

    As al-Shīrāzī would explain, a jurist learnt the craft of legal argumentation through his exposure to legal debates (1988, 161–162).

  43. 43.

    Al-Subkī attributes to Ibn Surayj the honour of having been the first to teach the Shāfi‘īs the “way of [doing] jadal ”, Al-Subkī, (1964, p. 22); Al-Shīrāzī tells us his student al-Qaffāl al-Shāshī was the first to write a book of “good jadal (al-jadal al-ḥasan) (1970, p. 112).

  44. 44.

    Muslims have historically seen al-Shāfi‘ī as the founder of the Islamic legal tradition, but contemporary historians have increasingly seen his seminal text Al-Risāla as belonging to a different genre than later mature uṣūl al-fiqh texts (Hallaq 1993, 1997; Lowry 2007; Stewart 2016). For more on the subject, see Soufi (2018).

  45. 45.

    Another representative text, albeit of the tenth rather than the eleventh century, is Ibn al-Qaṣṣ’s al-Talkhīs (1999).

  46. 46.

    E.g. al-Shīrāzī (1995, p. 44).

  47. 47.

    Al-Shīrāzī (1988, p. 813).

  48. 48.

    Some of al-Ash‘arī’s uṣūl al-fiqh positions are relayed by Ibn Fūrak’s Mujarrad Maqalāt (1987).

  49. 49.

    Al-Juwaynī (2003) and al-Bāqillānī (2012).

  50. 50.

    He adds that he also taught them theology (al-kalām), al-Shīrāzī (1970, pp. 126–127).

  51. 51.

    Al-Ghazālī (1993).

  52. 52.

    Al-Shīrāzī (1970, p. 126)

  53. 53.

    Chaumont (1991), Makdisi (1984a, pp. 26–27)

  54. 54.

    Al-Shāfi‘ī (2005, p. 477).

  55. 55.

    Al-Shīrāzī (1988, p.755). Although al-Shīrāzī clearly departs from al-Shāfi‘ī at times, he never explicitly says that he is rejecting his school master. Instead, he tends to present his departures as interpretations, see the Sharḥ (1988, p. 814). In fact he ascribes a ruling by mere resemblance mujarrad al-shabah to the Ḥanafī jurists within the Tabṣira rather than his Shāfi‘ī colleagues, (1980 pp. 458–459).

  56. 56.

    Al-Shāfi‘ī (2005, p. 479). We might also add the a fortiori argument among the list of types of qiyās al-Shāfi‘ī recognized, see p. 513; see also Lowry’s discussion (2007, p.158) and al-Ghazālī (1970, p. 334). Al-Shīrāzī rejected the a fortiori as a type of qiyās, seeing it instead as a linguistic argument (1988, p. 428).

  57. 57.

    Al-Ghazālī (1970, p. 334).

  58. 58.

    Lowry (2007, p. 334).

  59. 59.

    Al-Shīrāzī (1988, p. 813). For English and French language sources on al-Shīrāzī’s qiyās, refer to Young (2017), especially section 4.1, and to Chaumont’s translation and detailed commentary of al-Shīrāzī’s Kitāb al-Luma‘(1999).

  60. 60.

    In fact, al-Juwaynī saw the qiyās al-dalāla as a form of qiyās al-shabah (1997, p. 2: 39). It is difficult to determine whether al-Shīrāzī was the first to posit the concept of al-qiyās al-dalāla. It could certainly have been other Baghdad contemporaries such as his teacher al-Ṭabarī, who, like al-Shīrāzī, rejected qiyās al-shabah al-mujarrad, or Abū Ḥāmid al-Isfarāyinī, who is known to have had a wide influence among Shāfi‘ī Baghdad juristic thought. However, we can say with some certainty that the concept did not exist, or at least, it did not have wide currency, before al-Shīrāzī’s generation and that later Shāfi‘īs would single out al-Shīrāzī when introducing the concept, see al-Zarkashī (1992, p. 5:40).

  61. 61.

    Al-Shīrāzī (1988, p. 812). In the Ma‘ūna fī al-Jadal, al-Shīrāzī explains this qiyās by stating that the jurist proceeds by “inferring [his ruling] based on some common point of resemblance” between cases (an yastadill bi-ḍarb min al-shabah) (1987, p. 38).

  62. 62.

    Al-Shīrāzī (1988, pp. 809–10), where he says that there are three types of qiyās al-dalāla . See also al-Shīrāzī (1987, pp. 37–38).

  63. 63.

    Al-Zarkashī (1992, p. 5:40). Post-Shīrāzī scholars who accepted the qiyās al-dalāla were found in the Mālikī and Ḥanbalī schools (e.g. Ibn Qudāma, 2002, p. 2:246).

  64. 64.

    Part of what supports the possibility that al-Shīrāzī was the first to posit the term, or at least give it great prominence, is its complete absence from al-Shīrāzī’s earlier work of uṣūl al-fiqh , Al-Tabṣira (1980).

  65. 65.

    Hallaq (1997), Schacht (1959).

  66. 66.

    Al-Shīrāzī (1992, p. 119).

  67. 67.

    Al-Marghīnānī (2000, pp. 476–477).

  68. 68.

    Al-Marghīnānī (2000, p. 2:81).

  69. 69.

    Makdisi (1984b, p. 134).

  70. 70.

    Al-Subkī (1964, pp. 3:23–24) where al-Subkī presents Ibn Surayj and Ibn Dāwud al-Ẓāhirī debating in the home of a judge.

  71. 71.

    He was called “a lion (ghaḍanfar)” in debate, al-Subkī (1964, p. 4:222).

  72. 72.

    See al-Shīrāzī (1988, pp. 806–814).

  73. 73.

    Other jurists deployed their own theorizations of qiyās in the debate arena. See for instance, al-Juwaynī’s differing manner of identifying the ‘illa of a qiyās in his debate with al-Shīrāzī, al-Subkī (1964, pp. 5:214–218).

  74. 74.

    Bernard Weiss (2010) provides a brilliant overview of one of the most important texts of the Shāfi‘ī-Ash‘arī line of uṣūl al-fiqh ; and Zysow (2013) is likewise an essential reference for anyone interested in the Ḥanafī line of uṣūl al-fiqh.

  75. 75.

    Ahmed (2012).

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Rahman, S., Iqbal, M., Soufi, Y. (2019). Introduction: The Life and Qiyās of Abū Isḥāq al-Shīrāzī (393H/1003 CE-476H/1083 CE). In: Inferences by Parallel Reasoning in Islamic Jurisprudence. Logic, Argumentation & Reasoning, vol 19. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-22382-3_1

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