Abstract
European citizenship was expected to (finally) project to the supranational level the rights, faculties and obligations characteristic of national forms of citizenship. It was also hoped European citizenship would serve to establish a form of political membership beyond the state. Actual developments have turned out very differently. The formal enshrinement of the citizenship status carried with it some transformative power (reflected in rulings of the Court of Justice such as Martínez Sala, Grzelczyk and Ruiz Zambrano). At the same time, European citizenship would foster the creation of new socio-economic boundaries (in parallel to the affirmation of economic freedoms as battering rams with which to contest national regulatory practices) and lead to the consolidation of new external and internal borders, reflected in the emergence of precarious third country national statuses and of the exclusion marker of “economically inactive citizen”. European citizenship may have made national laws more “human”, but at the cost of rendering them far less “social”, and of socio-economic boundaries hardening after the removal of physical borders.
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Notes
- 1.
Par. 53 of La Pergola’s Opinion: “The Treaty now thus embodies the idea of a common status which individuals, whose subjectivity is recognised in the law of the Union (see Art. 8 of the EC Treaty), acquire merely by being nationals of a member state. And it is a fertile idea: on the basis of the Union between member states, as historical experience teaches us, the union of peoples which the Treaties of Maastricht and Amsterdam envisage may grow and develop: the preamble to the Treaty on European Union refers to the decision to continue the process of creating an ever closer Union among the peoples of Europe”.
- 2.
Indeed, it was named “Union citizenship” in the Maastricht Treaty. We have opted to use the concept of European citizenship as equivalent of Union citizenship also in this and in the remaining chapters of the book. One reason for this is substantive, in that we argue the case that individual rights and a European proto-citizenship already existed when the Maastricht Treaty was agreed by the Member States. Another reason is practical in that “European citizenship” is used not only by academics, but also invariably by EU institutions themselves, one example being the European Commission in its periodic reports on European citizenship.
- 3.
If anything, this emphasis is something unusual in modern citizenship politics. In Weberian terms, modern citizenship was part of a whole, of the political economy of a bounded political community (Weber 1978, see also Barbalet 2010), yet this was not seen as the primary description of citizenship. Citizenship was not primarily economically oriented, but rather the expression of the political unity of the state—a sense of equal membership in a community of fate —and thus a counterbalance to social inequalities (Weber 1994: 103). The specific conception of European citizenship as concrete form of mobile and market participatory rights status was, then, arguably not rooted in citizenship thinking but rather in a market liberal understanding of the economy.
- 4.
Explicitly, AG Geelhoed in Bidar (European Court of Justice 2005a: par. 28): “By placing emphasis on the fundamental character of EU citizenship, the Court makes clear that this is not merely a hollow or symbolic concept, but that it constitutes the basic status of all nationals of EU Member States, giving rise to certain rights and privileges in other Member States where they are resident (….)various social benefits which Member States previously granted to its nationals and to economically active persons under Regulations Nos 1612/68 or 1408/71 now have been extended to EU citizens who are lawfully resident in the host MemberState”.
- 5.
Cassis de Dijon , (European Court of Justice 1979).
- 6.
This is why the argument in favour of “open borders” is highly problematic. It does not only undermine itself, in the sense that were it to be implemented would result in a race to the bottom which would worsen the position of the weakest in society, including most migrants, but in the process injures the existing structures that set limits to the force of economic power. But see Carens (1987).
- 7.
By commodification we refer to the transformation of peoples, goods, ideas or services into commodities, i.e., into objects which can be exchanged for money. Our use assumes that a good deal of the goods and services, and certainly all people and ideas are false commodities, i.e., they should not be open to be bought and sold. On the concept of false commodity, see Polanyi (1944).
- 8.
The underlying macroeconomic model assumed that boosting profitability would result in the mid run in stronger capital investments, allowing periphery economies to be restarted.
- 9.
It is important to notice that a similar trend can be noticed at the legislative level. On the one hand, we can observe the same concept of ‘economically active’ person popping up in the proposed ‘new settlement’ of the United Kingdom negotiated before Brexit, largely reflecting the practice followed by a good number of Member States. On the other hand, the trend towards a homogeneous personal status for all third country nationals has been reversed. We may notice the proliferation of different third country national statuses, with a varying breadth and scope, and with very different sets of rights and obligations. It is hard to avoid the conclusion that graduation is largely dependent on a criterion that is substantially connected to the concept of ‘economically active’, as rights and duties depend on the extent to which third country nationals are expected to ‘contribute’ to the European economy. It has indeed become part of the jargon of European institutions to speak of ‘high value’ migrants, referring to those with highly valued and demanded skills. The assumption being that there are also those with ‘low value’, for example seasonal workers. We return to the emergence of a plurality of third country statuses below (Sect. D).
- 10.
Such a claim stands in need of qualification in view of the progressive “politicisation” of elections to the European Parliament (Galpin and Trenz 2018). There are clear signs that Europeans seem to be increasingly realising the extent to which decisions taken at the supranational level of government affect their lives. Still, it is significant that such politicisation is negative, and revolves around not concrete alternative policies (which are largely missing) but around membership to the European Union or to the Eurozone.
- 11.
Albeit our argument is rather different from his, we have been inspired by the term coined by Kelemen (2011).
- 12.
Whether this is the result of growing trust on the cumulated “technical” knowledge of the ECB, or rather signals mounting distrust in representative institutions or more simply, the lack of political agreement on how to organise the prudential supervision of Eurozone banks, is rather immaterial.
- 13.
This section is much indebted to Stie (2012).
- 14.
Article 108.3 TEEC determined the procedure to follow in a balance of payments crisis. It foresaw either multilateral financial assistance, or lacking an agreement to provide it, opened the way to Member States imposing (temporary and proportionate) unilateral restrictions on trade.
- 15.
The usual line of reasoning goes as follows. Once states can be outvoted because the will of the Council is formed through qualified majority voting (that is, since the Single European Act), there is a loss in indirect democratic legitimacy (Weiler 1999: 68–80, 232).
- 16.
Furthermore, Article 6, Section 3 of the Directive (European Communities 1988) read as follows: “The Commission shall submit to the Council, by 31 December 1988, proposals aimed at eliminating or reducing risks of distortion, tax evasion and tax avoidance linked to the diversity of national systems for the taxation of savings and for controlling the application of these systems. The Council shall take a position on these Commission proposals by 30 June 1989. Any tax provisions of a Community nature shall, in accordance with the Treaty, be adopted unanimously”.
- 17.
The 2003 Directive was replaced in 2014 by a less unsatisfactory, but still far from perfect, Directive (European Union 2014c).
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Menéndez, A.J., Olsen, E.D.H. (2020). European Citizenship: Between Formal Status and Practice. In: Challenging European Citizenship. Palgrave Studies in European Union Politics. Palgrave Pivot, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-22281-9_4
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