Giving Locke Some Latitude: Locke’s Theological Influences from Great Tew to the Cambridge Platonists

Guy, Nathan

doi:10.1007/978-3-030-22200-0_9

Giving Locke Some Latitude: Locke’s Theological Influences from Great Tew to the Cambridge Platonists

Nathan Guy²³

Chapter
First Online: 02 January 2020

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Part of the book series: International Archives of the History of Ideas Archives internationales d'histoire des idées ((ARCH,volume 222))

Abstract

Locke’s political philosophy brings forth theologically-rich aims, while seeking to counter or disarm threats such as atheism, hyper-Calvinism, and religious enthusiasm. Locke’s theological views are born out of a context, and his theological perspective is heavily shaped by strands of influence from these perspectives. There is a generous orthodoxy that lay beneath Locke’s political project which parallels closely the explicit teachings of a moderating influence in seventeenth-century England with whom Locke is intimately associated—the Oxford Tew Circle, the London Latitudinarians, and the Cambridge Platonists. Locating Locke within his seventeenth-century religious context provides a fitting framework for placing Locke’s political project within the sphere of a moderating political theology. Locke scholars and biographers have already established these links broadly; but how did this background provide not only a general influence, but an impetus to provide something akin to a political theology after the teaching of Whichcote, Cudworth, and the like? The answer is that many of Locke’s political aims (and theological argumentation to support those aims) are already present in his theological context. This backdrop shows how Locke was able to establish the crucial link between his political ends (freedom, equality, property, toleration, and a just civil government) and his Christian theological commitment.

This chapter is taken from my PhD dissertation submitted to the Divinity Faculty of the University of Cambridge in January 2016. I wish to express my deep appreciation to Professor Janet Soskice for her excellent supervision, and to Dr. Douglas Hedley and Professor Paul Kelly for serving as readers and for offering many helpful suggestions.

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Notes

1.
See, for example, Spellman (1997, esp. 77); Pearson (1978, 248): ‘On the one hand Locke was deeply committed to the Christian faith which he understood in moral and experiential more than in dogmatic terms but which he believed rested on historic revelation. Yet on the other hand he was troubled both by the claims of enthusiasts to direct revelation and by what he regarded as indefensible arguments of contemporary churchmen seeking to defend the faith.’ According to Tate (2013, 133–34), ‘Few scholars have ever doubted the sincerity’ of Locke’s ‘deep religious faith and the importance that he placed upon it in his own life and in the lives of others.’ Tate (2013, 157n.1) points out that even Strauss (1959, 202, 207, 208) made such an acknowledgement. Cranston (1957, 124): ‘Even so Locke was always and essentially a deeply religious man, a fact that is sometimes not appreciated…His religion was that of the Latitudinarian wing of the Church of England. His creed was short, but he held to it with the utmost assurance.’
2.
For Locke’s theological grounding of his moral philosophy, see A, 41; E, 2.28.4: 351; 2.28.8: 352. For his theological grounding of his political philosophy, see 2nd T, 4, 6.
3.
See Tulloch 1872.
4.
For an excellent and sympathetic analysis of these groups, see Tulloch 1872; Griffen 1992: esp. 15.
5.
For Tew Circle authors represented in Locke’s library, see John Hales (LL, 150), William Chillingworth (LL, 106), Jeremy Taylor (LL, 244), and Henry Hammond (LL, 150; cf. 111, 134). For Cambridge Platonists, see Benjamin Whichcote (LL, 263), Ralph Cudworth (LL, 119), Henry More (LL, 192), and John Smith (LL, 235). For Latitudinarian Preachers in London, see Edward Stillingfleet (LL, 240), John Tillotson (LL, 248–49), Edward Fowler (LL, 137–38), and Simon Patrick (LL, 205). Other Latitudinarians represented in Locke’s library include Isaac Barrow (LL, 80) and Gilbert Burnet (LL, 96).
6.
Spellman (1997, 19).
7.
In preparing this chapter, I am especially indebted to Tetlow (2006, 18–40), who stresses this very point in her excellent thesis exploring the theological context of Locke’s political thought.
8.
As representatives, see Cranston 1957; Reventlow 1985; Rogers 1992; Marshall 1994; Spellman 1997; Tetlow 2006; Pailin 2008; Rogers 2008; Nuovo 2011.
9.
For an excellent summary of how these three men influenced a wider tolerating ecclesiology, see Tetlow (2006 19–23); cf. Lettinga (1987, 13–85). Locke’s library includes six works by Castellio (LL, 102) and one compiled by Cranmer (LL, 128). Cf. Tulloch (1872, 1: 43).
10.
Lettinga (1987, 46).
11.
Tetlow (2006, 20).
12.
For the link between Latitudinarianism and the Tew Circle, see Griffin (1992, 15); Cranston (1957, 127n.1). Cary’s house was located at Great Tew in Oxfordshire: thus the nickname ‘Tew Circle’. Clarendon (1888, 3: 180), describes the Great Tew Circle as a ‘university bound in a lesser volume.’ Loconte (2014, 107n.3): ‘Before the Civil War, it became an intellectual gathering place for England’s new generation of humanists.’ Cf. Trevor-Roper (1988, 166–230).
13.
Cf. ft. 6. Spellman (1997, 55) notes that Locke would have already been familiar with Hales’ work before 1667. In 1703, nearing the end of his own life, Locke recommended the writings of Chillingworth alongside classical authors as models for proper reasoning: ‘I should propose the constant reading of Chillingworth, who by his example will teach both perspicuity, and the way of right reasoning better than any book that I know; and therefore will deserve to be read upon that account over and over again, not to say anything of his argument’ (Reading, 351).
14.
LL, 244; Cranston (1957, 24n.2).
15.
See Taylor 1647.
16.
Taylor (1647, 368) diagnoses the root cause of ‘mischiefs’ in church polity involving how one handles ‘disagreements’ that ‘arise on matters of speculation.’ He bemoans ‘the current state of affairs’ in which ‘every opinion is made an article of faith, every article is a ground of quarrel, every quarrel makes a faction, every faction is zealous, and all zeal pretends for God, and whatsoever is for God cannot be too much.’ As a corrective, Taylor affirms making ‘[t]he important distinction between fundamental and non-fundamental doctrines’ and allows the New Testament to settle such matters: ‘[i]f we have found out what foundation Christ and His apostles did lay, that is, what body and systems of articles simply necessary they taught and required of us to believe, we need not, we cannot go any further for foundation, we cannot enlarge that system or collection’ (377). Taylor favors a minimal creed, concluding ‘that nothing is required to be believed by any Christian man but this, that Jesus is the Messiah’ (105).
17.
See Griffin (1992, 89). See also Marshall (1994, 94).
18.
Cf. Marshall (1994, 11, 128, 372).
19.
More specifically, Tetlow claims ‘there is a similarity of tone, argument, and intention’ (24n.73).
20.
Chillingworth 1638: ‘I cannot know any doctrine to be a Divine and supernatural truth, or a true part of Christianity, but only because the Scripture says so, which is all true’ (194); ‘[T]hat many points which are not necessary to be believed absolutely, are yet necessary to be believed upon a supposition that they are known to be revealed by God; that is, become then necessary to be believed, when they are known to be Divine revelations’ (247). Locke echoes these sentiments: E, 4.18.8: 694; 4.19.14: 704; RC, 15, 25, 156; 2nd VRC, 36.
21.
Chillingworth 1638 distinguishes between ‘fundamentals’—which are ‘necessary’ and ‘plain in Scripture’—and issues over which Christians can have ‘differences’ and yet ‘the same heaven may receive them all’ (49, 50). Chillingworth does not provide a ‘catalogue of fundamentals,’ but instead offers this line: ‘it is sufficient for any man’s salvation that he believe the Scripture; that he endeavour to believe it in the true sense of it, as far as concerns his duty; and that he conform his life unto it either by obedience or repentance. He that does so (and all protestants, according to the dictamen of their religion, should do so) may be secure that he cannot err fundamentally. And they that do so cannot differ in fundamentals’ (50). For Locke echoing Chillingworth, see VRC, esp. 14–16.
22.
Chillingworth (1638, 5) claims it is wrong ‘to fasten the imputation of atheism and irreligion upon all wise and gallant men that are not of your own religion; in which uncharitable and unchristian judgment, void of all colour or shadow of probability.’ Marshall notes that Latitudinarians quoted him often due to his irenic spirit.
23.
Chillingworth (1638, 188): ‘For if the church fall into error, it may be reformed by comparing it with the rule of the apostles’ doctrine and Scripture; but if the apostles have erred in delivering the doctrine of Christianity, to whom shall we have recourse for the discovering and correcting their error? Again, there is not so much strength required in the edifice as in the foundation [.]’ See 2nd VRC, 36.
24.
Lettinga (1987, 6, 158, 214; cf. 222). It is interesting to note that this ‘covenant theology’ (with its movement away from Calvinism) was systematized and stressed in Richard Allestree’s popular devotional work The Whole Duty of Man (1657). Within just a few short years of its publication, Locke would advise his Oxford students (in his role as their tutor) to read this work, and just before his own death, Locke recommended Allestree’s book ‘as a methodical System’ of morality (L3328, COR, 8: 57).
25.
See also Tetlow (2006, 23–25).
26.
Cf. Marshall.
27.
See also Mansfield (1979, 151): ‘Great Tew might be seen as a last attempt to recover the irenic vision of Erasmus. In one sense it was a dying echo of the vigorous Christian humanism of a century and a half before.’
28.
Loconte (2014, 21), mentions Jacob Acontius’ Darkness discovered (1565; repr., 1651), a work decrying violence against heretics as the work of the devil, ‘was a favorite book among the visitors at Great Tew.’ Cf. Trevor-Roper (1988, 190).
29.
Loconte (2014, 123), with reference both to the Great Tew and the Republic of Letters (‘a European equivalent of the Great Tew Circle in England’) with which Locke formed close alliance in 1683.
30.
Cf. ft. 6; Spellman (1997, 19). Locke referred to Barrow as ‘a very considerable friend.’
31.
Barrow (1859, 1: 289–90). Compare 2nd T, 4–6.
32.
See Burnet 1675; Spellman (1997, 56).
33.
See Greig (1993, 637–38).
34.
Spellman (1997, 56); Tetlow (2006, 32–33). On the liberty of conscience, see Fowler (1680, 228–29).
35.
He was labeled a latitudinarian in the 1660’s (Spellman 1997, 18).
36.
Compare Tillotson (1666, 67–70) with RC, 32–33, 82, 135, 138, 143, 146, 147; Discourse, 48.
37.
Proverbs 20:27; Culverwell (1652, 13). Greene & Maccallum (1971, li) notes this text ‘serves as the touchstone for the whole argument…Culverwell interprets the verse as a celebration of the light of nature, that is, reason.’ Greene (1991, 640) notes that while the sentiment is pervasive among the Cambridge Platonists, specific references to this verse are few and far between. For Locke’s use, see RC², 140n.1.
38.
Noted in Pailin (2008, 111).
39.
Pailin 2008.
40.
See articles in Hedley & Hutton 2008. For more on Locke in the Erasmian Christian humanist tradition, see Loconte 2014. Colie (1957, 22): ‘The tradition of Erasmus, of Richard Hooker, of rational theologians like Falkland, Chillingworth, and Hales worked on in England within the English Church, temporarily in retirement during the Interregnum, to emerge with particular force among the Cambridge Platonists.’
41.
Cf. Hedley (2000, 277): ‘The Cambridge Platonists would agree that our knowledge of the real world is illuminated by the Divine Logos, and, hence, that even those who employ this Logos unconsciously can attain genuine insight and live admirably.’
42.
Locke’s library contained two volumes of Whichcote’s sermons (LL, 263).
43.
Compare Powicke (1926, 53) and Woolhouse (2007, 2).
44.
Cranston (1957, 124) calls Locke a ‘member.’ See also Powicke (1926, 200). However, rightly notes that no contemporary evidence exists for such a claim, though even he believes it likely that Locke frequented the congregation (79). For Locke’s high regard for Whichcote’s sermons, see Masham (1706, 349); Roberts (1968, 233).
45.
In his Moral and Religious Aphorisms, Whichcote (1753, 330), listed No. 349 as follows: ‘Enthusiasm is the Confounder, both of Reason and Religion: therefore nothing is more necessary to the Interest of Religion, than the prevention of Enthusiasm.’
46.
See Rogers (2008, 202) for this phrase. See E, 4.17.2: 668; 4.18.5: 692; 4.18.8: 694; 4.18.10: 696. Rogers (2008, 203): ‘None of the Cambridge Platonists, except possibly Smith, would have wanted to reject any of Locke’s argument.’
47.
Whichcote (1753, 326, 327, 331) (aphorism #33, #76, #99, and #460). See also Patrides (1970, 58–59). Cf. Rogers (2008, 202).
48.
Patrides (1970, 38n.38), citing Whichcote’s Several Discourses (1: 364).
49.
Roberts (1968, 232–33), citing Sykes (1953, 55). Cf. Marshall (1994, 373).
50.
L690 (COR, 2: 493): ‘I have no Ill Opinion of the Platonists I confess, nor ought you to wonder at That seeing I have spent the Most of my Life amongst Philosophers of that Sect in whom I have always found the most Vertue and Friendship.’ Damaris Cudworth to Locke, 9 March 1682. Cf. Hutton 1993; Broad (2002, 114–40); Goldie 2004.
51.
Laslett (1971, 6).
52.
Goldie 2004; Nuovo (2011, 13–15). Damaris became Lady Masham in 1685 when she married Sir John Masham. Goldie suggests that Locke and Lady Masham remained close, but were not ‘lovers’ in the modern sense of the word.
53.
Locke’s pen name of Philander, like Philoclea, is borrowed from Philip Sidney’s novel Arcadia. For the interesting connection between this work, the Ancient Theology, and seventeenth-century Platonism, see Walker 1972 (132–63).
54.
See L684, L687, L688, L696, L699 (COR, 2: 484–85, 488–90, 500–01, 503–05). Woolhouse (2007, 175–77).
55.
Smith 1660. The second edition (1673) is found in Locke’s library (LL, 235).
56.
De Beer in COR, 2: 484. Nuovo (2011, 66): ‘Smith’s Discourses is one of the few books in Locke’s personal library whose text is marked up…Presumably, these are Locke’s markings.’
57.
L699 (COR, 2: 503–05). Letter dated 20 April 1682.
58.
E, 4.18.7: 694; 4.18.9: 695.
59.
See Smith (1660, 383): Due to the Fall, ‘the inward virtue and vigour of Reason is much abated.’ Thus, ‘those Principles of Divine Truth which were first engraven upon mans Heart with the finger of God are now…less clear and legible than at first.’ For this reason, God provides ‘the Truth of Divine Revelation’ to point ‘the Minds of men’ back to God. For Locke’s high view of scripture, especially in relation to reason, see E, 3.9.23: 489; 4.18.8: 694; RC, 25, 135, 146–47; 2nd VRC, 36; 2nd T, 52, 65.
60.
L1040 (COR, 3: 431–35, esp. 434). When Locke wrote to Masham, asking her critique of his Abregé of the Essay, Lady Masham appeals to and relies on More’s An Antidote against Atheism to question Locke’s denial of innate ideas (433).
61.
Cf. LL, 98.
62.
For similar doubt concerning one’s ability to discover the essence of a substance, see E, 4.1.2: 525; 4.4.1: 562–63; 4.4.3: 563. Cf. More (1662, 26–27): ‘The Subject, or naked Essence or Substance of a thing, is utterly unconceivable to any of our Faculties’ (26). I am indebted to Rogers (1992, 238).
63.
More (1712, 1): ‘Atheism and Enthusiasm…in many things …do very nearly agree…they are commonly entertain’d…in the same Complexion. For that Temper that disposes a Man to listen to the Magisterial Dictates of an overbearing Phancy more than to the calm and cautious insinuations of free Reason…does very easily lodge and give harbor to these mischievous Guests.’ Cf. E, 4.19: 697–706, esp. 4:19.12: 703.
64.
Nuovo (2011, 26n.15) suggests that Locke’s reply to ‘A Christian Platonist’ and the theory of the revolution souls in E, 2.27.14: 339 might refer to More. Crocker 2003 notes that works of the period that formed the link between ‘empiricism and voluntarism’—which came to its ‘final expression’ in Locke—‘sat uneasily’ with More’s intellectualism and his theology (118). However, while there were ‘mainly latitudinarian attempts’ to placate More’s approach to illumination, Crocker warns that there was no ‘clear-cut fissure’ between those influenced by More and the ‘moderate, voluntarist latitudinarianism’ of the day. After all, writes Crocker, ‘it was in this period that More’s reputation as a ‘Cambridge Platonist,’ and one of the founding fathers of Anglican Latitudinarianism…becomes established’ (202, 203).
65.
Hutton claims there is more affinity between Cudworth and Locke than scholarship has often recognized (Hutton & Schuurman 2008, xiv; Hutton (2008, 143–57)). Ayers (1991, 2: 168–83) links Locke’s argument for the existence of God with Cudworth’s arguments against materialism. This is all the more interesting when one notes that Locke purchased Cudworth’s book shortly before writing his own argument for God in E, 4.10. Cf. Nuovo (2011, 214n.30). Passmore (1951, 93–94) also notes that Cudworth’s views on free will are echoed by Locke in E, 2.21.17–19: 242–43.
66.
TIS. Laslett (1971, 22). Cf. L1336, (COR, 4: 161). For other works by Cudworth in Locke’s library, see LL, 199; cf. 87.
67.
However, Rogers (2008, 205) notes no reference to Cudworth, nor to ancient philosophy, appears in Locke’s letter to Clarke which served as the origin of STCE. See L844, COR, 2: 770–88, esp. 785.
68.
For the remainder of this section, I am indebted to Gysi 1962.
69.
See E, 4.10.7: 621. For Locke’s equal concern for the ‘true idea’ of God, see STCE, 136; Draft, 116–18.
70.
See also 210. Cp. E, 4.10.6: 621.
71.
See Gysi (1962, 102–03). For example, TIS, 645.
72.
On Locke’s view of God as incomprehensible yet knowable, see E, 2.15.8: 200; STCE, 136.
73.
TIS, 652, 653.
74.
TIS, 652: ‘But all the Genuine Attributes of the Deity, of which its Entire Idea is made up, are Things as Demonstrable of a Perfect Being, as the Properties of a Triangle or a Square are of those Ideas respectively.’ Cp. E, 1.1.4.16: 95.
75.
TIS, 474, 683–84, 834. Cf. Gysi (1962, 92–98). For Locke’s cosmological argument, see E, 4.10: 619–30.
76.
See Gysi (1962, 126–27).
77.
See Gysi (1962, 111). For Locke’s distaste of this form of Calvinism, see RC, 1–4.
78.
Cf. Gysi (1962, 128).
79.
Cudworth (1838, 78), claims such a view ‘will destroy the reality of moral good and evil, virtue and vice, and make them nothing but mere names or mockeries.’
80.
TIS, 202, 203, 205; 406; Cudworth (1838, 50). Locke highlights God’s goodness as a central characteristic of God (RC, 129).
81.
Cudworth (1838, 49–50).
82.
TIS, 647, 717; Cudworth (1838, 34); Cudworth (1647, 27). Locke often combines in the Essay ‘wisdom and goodness’ (2.7.4: 129; 2.9.12: 148) or ‘wisdom, power, and goodness’ (2.23.12: 302), suggesting the kind of inter-relationship expressed by Cudworth and others.
83.
Cudworth (1838, 16–17, 53).
84.
Cf. Cudworth (1731, 77), where Cudworth responds to the Calvinist claim that ‘God would not be God, if he did not arbitrarily determine all things’ with this reply: ‘But…this is to swallow up all things into God, by making him the sole actor in the universe, all things else being merely passive to him.’ Instead, ‘the supreme perfection of the Deity’ includes ‘suffering’ his creation ‘to act according to their own natures’ and thus participate in God’s creation.
85.
Cudworth’s theology of the state runs in opposition to Hobbes. Cf. TIS, 895; Gysi 1962, 128.
86.
Cf. Gysi (1962, 129).
87.
Cudworth (1838, 31); TIS, 897, 898. Gysi (1962, 131), describes the ‘absolute values that carry universal obligation’ as ‘all modifications of the love, which in the life of the Trinity is perfectly realized.’
88.
For the role of happiness in Locke’s teleological account of the law of nature, see RC, 149; LCT, 47; E, 1.3.3:67; 2.7.5: 130.
89.
LCT, 47: ‘Every man has an Immortal Soul, capable of Eternal Happiness or Misery; whose Happiness depending upon his believing those things in this Life, which are necessary to the obtaining of Gods Favour, and are prescribed by God to that end; it follows from thence, 1st, That the observance of these things is the highest Obligation that lies upon Mankind, and that our utmost Care, Application, and Dilligence, ought to be exercised in the Search and Performance of them; Because there is nothing in this World that is of any consideration in comparison with Eternity.’
90.
Cf. Aaron (1971, 7).
91.
Nor are they to be found only in personal contact. Rogers (2008, 198) notes how few Platonists Locke actually met.
92.
L3328 (COR, 8: 57). Locke to Richard King, 25 Aug 1703.
93.
L3198 (COR, 7: 687). Locke to Benjamin Furly, 12 Oct 1702.
94.
Draft, 116; STCE, 135, 136. This true notion involves not only God’s infinity, independence, Supremacy, and authorship of all Creation, but also his goodness, love, and generosity. Locke speaks of the ‘one true God’ repeatedly in the RC (e.g., RC, 26, 135, 137, passim).
95.
TIS; Smith (1660, 41–55); More 1712. See also Boyle (1725, 150–59).
96.
See Gill 2006.
97.

2^nd T / Second Treatise:

Locke, John. 1967. Second treatise of government [1690]. In John Locke, Two treatises of government, a critical edition with an introduction and apparatus criticus, edited by Peter Laslett, 2^nd ed, 265–428. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Rep. 1988. Citations are by numbered paragraph.

2^nd VRC:

Locke, John. 2012. A second vindication of the reasonableness of Christianity [1697]. In John Locke, Vindications of the reasonableness of Christianity, edited by Victor Nuovo, 27–233. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Citations are by page number.

A:

Locke, John. 1990. Sic cogitavit de intellectu humano [Draft A] [1671]. In Drafts for The essay concerning human understanding, and other philosophical writings, Volume I: Drafts A and B, edited by Peter H. Nidditch and G. A. J. Rogers,1–83. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Citations are by page number.

COR:

Locke, John. 1976–1989. The correspondence of John Locke, edited by E. S. de Beer. 8 Vols. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Citations are by volume and page number.

Discourse:

Locke, John. 2002. A discourse of miracles [1706]. In Locke, John Writings on religion, edited by Victor Nuovo, 44–50. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Citations are by page number.

Draft:

Aaron, Richard I. and Jocelyn Gibb (eds.). 1936. An early draft of Locke’s Essay, together with excerpts from his journals. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Citations are by page number.

E / Essay:

Locke, John. 1979. An essay concerning human understanding [1689], edited by Peter H. Nidditch. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1975, rev. repr. 1979. Citations are by book, chapter, section, and page number.

L:

Letter (to or from John Locke), as found in COR. Citations are by letter number.

LCT / Letter:

Locke, John. 1983. A letter concerning toleration [1689], edited by James H. Tully. Indianapolis: Hackett. Citations are by page number.

LL:

Harrison, John and Peter Laslett. 1971. The library of John Locke [1965], 2^nd ed. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Citations are by page number.

RC/ Reasonableness:

Locke, John. 1824. The reasonableness of Christianity as delivered in the scriptures, in the works of John Locke in nine volumes. 12^th ed., Vol. 6, 1–158, London: C. Baldwin. Citations are by page number.

RC²:

Locke, John. 1999. The reasonableness of Christianity as deliver’d in the scriptures, edited by John C. Higgins-Biddle. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Citations are by page number.

Reading:

Locke, John. 1997. Some thoughts concerning reading and study for a gentleman [1703]. In Locke, John. Political essays, edited by Mark Goldie, 348–55. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Rep. 2006. Citations are by page number.

STCE / Thoughts:

Locke, John. 1989. Some thoughts concerning education [1693], edited with introduction, notes, and critical apparatus by John W. Yolton and Jean S. Yolton. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Citations are by paragraph.

TIS:

Cudworth, Ralph. 1678. True intellectual system of the universe: The first part, wherein all the reason and philosophy of atheism is confuted; and its impossibility demonstrated. London.

VRC:

Locke, John. 2012. A Vindication of the Reasonableness of Christianity [1695]. In Locke, John. Vindications of the reasonableness of Christianity, edited by Victor Nuovo, 7–26. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Citations are by page number.

Bibliography

2^nd T / Second Treatise:: Locke, John. 1967. Second treatise of government [1690]. In John Locke, Two treatises of government, a critical edition with an introduction and apparatus criticus, edited by Peter Laslett, 2^nd ed, 265–428. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Rep. 1988. Citations are by numbered paragraph.
2^nd VRC:: Locke, John. 2012. A second vindication of the reasonableness of Christianity [1697]. In John Locke, Vindications of the reasonableness of Christianity, edited by Victor Nuovo, 27–233. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Citations are by page number.
A:: Locke, John. 1990. Sic cogitavit de intellectu humano [Draft A] [1671]. In Drafts for The essay concerning human understanding, and other philosophical writings, Volume I: Drafts A and B, edited by Peter H. Nidditch and G. A. J. Rogers,1–83. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Citations are by page number.
COR:: Locke, John. 1976–1989. The correspondence of John Locke, edited by E. S. de Beer. 8 Vols. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Citations are by volume and page number.
Discourse:: Locke, John. 2002. A discourse of miracles [1706]. In Locke, John Writings on religion, edited by Victor Nuovo, 44–50. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Citations are by page number.
Draft:: Aaron, Richard I. and Jocelyn Gibb (eds.). 1936. An early draft of Locke’s Essay, together with excerpts from his journals. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Citations are by page number.
E / Essay:: Locke, John. 1979. An essay concerning human understanding [1689], edited by Peter H. Nidditch. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1975, rev. repr. 1979. Citations are by book, chapter, section, and page number.
L:: Letter (to or from John Locke), as found in COR. Citations are by letter number.
LCT / Letter:: Locke, John. 1983. A letter concerning toleration [1689], edited by James H. Tully. Indianapolis: Hackett. Citations are by page number.
LL:: Harrison, John and Peter Laslett. 1971. The library of John Locke [1965], 2^nd ed. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Citations are by page number.
RC/ Reasonableness:: Locke, John. 1824. The reasonableness of Christianity as delivered in the scriptures, in the works of John Locke in nine volumes. 12^th ed., Vol. 6, 1–158, London: C. Baldwin. Citations are by page number.
RC²:: Locke, John. 1999. The reasonableness of Christianity as deliver’d in the scriptures, edited by John C. Higgins-Biddle. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Citations are by page number.
Reading:: Locke, John. 1997. Some thoughts concerning reading and study for a gentleman [1703]. In Locke, John. Political essays, edited by Mark Goldie, 348–55. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Rep. 2006. Citations are by page number.
STCE / Thoughts:: Locke, John. 1989. Some thoughts concerning education [1693], edited with introduction, notes, and critical apparatus by John W. Yolton and Jean S. Yolton. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Citations are by paragraph.
TIS:: Cudworth, Ralph. 1678. True intellectual system of the universe: The first part, wherein all the reason and philosophy of atheism is confuted; and its impossibility demonstrated. London.
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Nathan Guy

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Faculty of Divinity, University of Cambridge, Cambridge, UK
Douglas Hedley
Department of Religion and Theology, School of Humanities, University of Bristol, Bristol, UK
David Leech

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Guy, N. (2019). Giving Locke Some Latitude: Locke’s Theological Influences from Great Tew to the Cambridge Platonists. In: Hedley, D., Leech, D. (eds) Revisioning Cambridge Platonism: Sources and Legacy. International Archives of the History of Ideas Archives internationales d'histoire des idées, vol 222. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-22200-0_9

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