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Approaching Persuasion

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Abstract

The ability to change the beliefs of others is a foundational principle of deliberative democracies. People who can sway the hearts and minds of the electorate gain significant social advantages. Unsurprisingly, people have explored how persuasion works since Ancient Athenian democracies. This chapter explores the history of persuasion from qualitative and descriptive philosophical theories to twentieth century work that sought to test theories and assumptions empirically.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    While counterfactuals may sound complicated, we are constantly exposed to them in other areas such as sports (if Ronaldo had been entirely fit for the final, Brazil would have won the 1998 FIFA World Cup). They are so ubiquitous that we hardly notice when commentators make them.

  2. 2.

    On a broader point beyond the scope of the current book, the study of rhetoric and speeches is a fascinating and enriching topic. I hope that rhetorical theory might be rehabilitated in British universities in the future.

  3. 3.

    Due to Plato’s criticism, we still conflate sophists (and rhetoric) with empty speech. In later dialogues such as Phaedrus, Plato softened his criticism of rhetoric and rhetoricians (2009).

  4. 4.

    For example, will the stock market crash in a month? Will England win the 2022 World Championship in football? Will Donald Trump win re-election in 2020?

  5. 5.

    Hence, Aristotle’s famous opening remark in his treatise on rhetoric: “Rhetoric is the sister discipline to dialectics [logic]” (Aristotle, 1995a)—comparatively, Aristotle provided a treatise on dialectic theory in the 6-book series Organon (Aristotle, 1995b, 1995c, 1995d, 1995e, 1995f, 1995g).

  6. 6.

    All emphasis is mine. See Foss et al. (2002) for a presentation of influential rhetorical theorists of the twentieth century.

  7. 7.

    While this is a nice ideal, we shall explore a variety of reasons why this is not the case in practical deliberative democracies, as people may lie, be less-than rational, and bottom-up information flow may distort reasoning processes.

  8. 8.

    The persuasive function of the speaker’s credibility is explored in more detail in Chap. 4.

  9. 9.

    The subjective nature of belief revision is explored in more detail in Chap. 3.

  10. 10.

    While the book does not discuss the relationship between emotions and belief revision in detail, some comments are provided in Chap. 5.

  11. 11.

    Related to this classic insight, philosophers and linguistics argue that language is performative rather than just a function to transmit information, as it can perform acts and be a social signalling force as well as a vehicle for argumentation and information (see Austin, 1961; Carston, 2002, 2009; Grice, 1989; Searle, 1969; Sperber & Wilson, 1995).

  12. 12.

    The identification of rhetorical genre theory extends this field (Foss, 2004; Hart & Dillard, 2001; Jamieson & Campbell, 1982). While Aristotle noted three main genres: judicial, political, and epideictic, rhetoricians have explored multiple genres such as inaugural speeches and public apologies (Downey, 1993; Kramer & Olson, 2002; Simons, 2000; Villadsen, 2002; Ware & Linkugel, 1973).

  13. 13.

    The principle seems to discourage learning, as people may behave differently upon learning more about an issue or when experiencing the consequences of an action. Nonetheless, the desire to be seen as consistent can supersede this. In a deliberative democracy, it is especially ironic that politicians who change their minds are described as flip-floppers, when they might have been swayed by arguments or evidence contrary to their original position. However, such is life for a public persona.

  14. 14.

    Recently, Cialdini has suggested a seventh principle: unity (Cialdini, 2017). This argues that people are more likely to follow advice or beliefs if they identify with the speaker. This principle bears a striking resemblance to the rhetorical concept of identification (Burke, 1969a, 1969b; Herrick, 2012).

  15. 15.

    Most studies, models, and theories of persuasion are culturally biased, as they tend to be conducted in or focus on Western deliberative democracies. The problem reaches beyond persuasion studies, as most psychological and social scientific participants are from Western, Educated, Industrialised, and Rich Democracies (Henrich, Heine, & Norenzayan, 2010). Consequently, their universality is questionable. Cross-cultural studies are necessary to test the limits of the theories, models, and assumptions (see e.g. Hornikx, 2005 for studies on cultural differences in persuasion).

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Madsen, J.K. (2019). Approaching Persuasion. In: The Psychology of Micro-Targeted Election Campaigns. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-22145-4_2

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