Abstract
Much of the recent international relations (IR) debates set out from the proposition that the continuance of the liberal international order is dependent on the hegemony of the United States. From this perspective, that largely aligns with the Hegemonic Stability Theory, change in the form of relative decline in US global power or unwillingness to maintain international stability, signals a crisis. In this chapter, we call for a broader and more flexible approach that can better reflect on change and tease out the complexity of liberal hegemony. To this end, we cross-read hegemonic stability theories with Gramscian notions of cultural hegemony and hegemonic ideas. We claim that “Western” hegemony is not only embedded in material dominance, but above all in ideational power: the universalization of the ordering principles of liberal peace, liberal institutionalism, and liberal internationalism. This prompts us to include in our analysis the discussions on consent and legitimacy, and their opposite, contestation and challenge. Since the nineteenth century, both Western hegemony and liberal order have gone through historical changes in which the hegemon of the order has been substituted and the basic ordering principles have transformed. This points toward the resilience of Western hegemony and the capability of the liberal order to undergo metamorphosis. However, the perspective of cultural hegemony lays visible the paradox in Western hegemony: liberal peace is entwined with liberal empire, and universal liberal values and norms continue to be firmly attached to the idea of liberal as a particularistic heritage of the West. These paradoxes are one of the main sites for contestation today. Coupled with the growing disillusionment with liberal organizing principles within the West, it is not inconceivable that the hegemonic resilience of the West and the capability of the liberal order to metamorphose might once again be put to a test.
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Notes
- 1.
Kagan (2018), 3–4, 8–10, 25, 35–36, 57, 152.
- 2.
See for example Hobson, John. 2012. The Eurocentric Conception of World Politics: Western International Theory, 1760–2010. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; Hooper, Charlotte. Manly States: Masculinities, International Relations, and Gender Politics. New York: Columbia University Press; Power, Postcolonialism and International Relations: Reading Race, Gender and Class. 2002. Edited by G. Chowdhry and S. Nair. London: Routledge.
- 3.
Anderson (2017), Origins I.
- 4.
Hurrell (2007), 78–79.
- 5.
Ikenberry (2011a), 116.
- 6.
Kagan (2018), 56.
- 7.
Kagan (2018), 24, 162, 143.
- 8.
Kagan (2018), 10–11, 105, 121, 150.
- 9.
Kagan (2018), 11, 106, 121, 149–150, 153–154, 160–163.
- 10.
O’Hagan (2002), 1–2, 8–9.
- 11.
Schmidt (2018).
- 12.
Hopf (2013).
- 13.
Schmidt (2018).
- 14.
Schmidt (2018).
- 15.
- 16.
Gilpin (1988), 594–596.
- 17.
Strange (1987), 554–555.
- 18.
Yazid (2015).
- 19.
Keohane (1984), 34–35.
- 20.
- 21.
Rapkin and Braaten (2009), 119.
- 22.
- 23.
See for example Cubitt, Christine. 2013. “Responsible Reconstruction After War: Meeting Local Needs for Building Peace.” Review of International Studies 1 (39): 91–112; Mitchell, Audra. 2011. “Quality/Control: International Peace Interventions And ‘the Everyday.’” Review of International Studies 4 (37): 1623–1645.
- 24.
Strange (1987), 559.
- 25.
Hurrell (2007), 71.
- 26.
- 27.
Alcaro (2018b), 2–4.
- 28.
- 29.
- 30.
Krige (2006), 5.
- 31.
- 32.
Wright (2017), 192–193.
- 33.
- 34.
- 35.
Ikenberry (2011a), xii.
- 36.
See Kagan (2004), 108.
- 37.
- 38.
Stokes (2018), 135.
- 39.
Bourdieu (1991), 163–70. In Bourdieu’s terms this is a “tautegorical” argument, a myth which refers to nothing outside itself for its legitimization. Hence, the West performs a legitimizing function simply because people have come to accept it as a positive concept that does just that.
- 40.
Mulligan (2006), 364–365.
- 41.
Rapkin and Braaten (2009), 118, 120.
- 42.
Rapkin and Braaten (2009), 115, 122–124.
- 43.
Rapkin and Braaten (2009), 114, 117, 119, 120.
- 44.
See Cox (1993); Cox, Robert. 1981. “Social Forces, States, and World Orders: Beyond International Relations Theory.” Millennium 10(2): 126–155.
- 45.
- 46.
Hopf (2017), 203–205.
- 47.
Morozov, manuscript.
- 48.
Ifversen (2008), 239.
- 49.
Rosenblatt (2018), 1, 258–259.
- 50.
- 51.
Rosenblatt (2018), 4.
- 52.
Rosenblatt (2018), 4, 7, 260–261, 271–272.
- 53.
Lind (2017).
- 54.
- 55.
Vlahos (1987/1988), 1097–1099.
- 56.
Ajami (1980/1981), 366, 375–376.
- 57.
Toynbee et al. (1938), 329, 331.
- 58.
Rosenblatt (2018), 3, 247, 259.
- 59.
Owen (2017), 75.
- 60.
Schwarzer (2017), 24.
- 61.
See for example Ikenberry et al. (2018).
- 62.
Ikenberry (2018), 13.
- 63.
Alcaro (2018a), 165.
- 64.
- 65.
Cox (1993), 50, 61.
- 66.
Ikenberry (2018), 11–12.
- 67.
Cox (1993), 62.
- 68.
- 69.
Ifversen (2008), 240.
- 70.
Ahiska (2003), 353–354.
- 71.
See Fukuyama, Francis. 1992. The End of History and the Last Man. London: Free Press; Rostow, Walt W. 1960. The Stages of Economic Growth: A Non-Communist Manifesto. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
- 72.
Peterson (2018), 33.
- 73.
Rosenblatt (2018), 247–252.
- 74.
Jahn (2018), 54.
- 75.
Morozov, manuscript.
- 76.
Buruma and Margalit (2004), 2; Den Boer (2005), 56; Gong (1984), Donnelly (1998), 3–7; Bowden & Seabrooke (2007). States that failed to conform to the standard of civilization were declared as legitimate sites of interference and intervention in the name of humanity and ultimately of colonial control. See Heraclides (2012); Neocleous (2011).
- 77.
Pojman (2005), 62–66.
- 78.
See for example Schweller (2018), 23.
- 79.
Chandler (2002), 1.
- 80.
Russett (1993).
- 81.
- 82.
MacMillan (2013), 1039–1040, 1044.
- 83.
MacMillan (2013), 1041–1042.
- 84.
MacMillan (2013), 1045–1047.
- 85.
Chandler (2001), 698.
- 86.
See Chandler, David. 2006. Empire in Denial: The Politics of State-Building. London: Pluto Press.
- 87.
Chandler (2001), 696.
- 88.
Lewis et al. (2018), 14–15.
- 89.
Bush (2008).
- 90.
Transcript: Donald Trump’s Foreign Policy Speech (2016).
- 91.
- 92.
Coker (2010), 75–78.
- 93.
Lake (2017), 2–3.
- 94.
Parmar (2018), 152, 154–155, 159.
- 95.
Ikenberry (2011a), 70–71.
- 96.
Lake (2017), 3.
- 97.
Hansen (2017), 292.
- 98.
Hansen (2017), 292.
- 99.
Ikenberry (2011a), xi–xii, 6–8.
- 100.
- 101.
Barma et al. (2013), 57.
- 102.
Acharya (2018), 50–51.
- 103.
Allison (2018), 125.
- 104.
MacMillan (2013), 1039–1040.
- 105.
Cubitt (2013), 94.
- 106.
See Paris (2002).
- 107.
Wolff and Zimmermann (2016), 514–515.
- 108.
Wiener (2014), 1–4.
- 109.
Jahn (2013), 1–2.
- 110.
Peterson (2018), 30–31.
- 111.
Wright (2017), ix–x.
- 112.
Barma et al. (2013), 58.
- 113.
Luce (2018), 9.
- 114.
- 115.
- 116.
Laclau and Mouffe (2001), xv.
- 117.
- 118.
Jervis et al. (2018), xi.
- 119.
Pompeo (2018).
- 120.
- 121.
- 122.
Consider, for example, the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action.
- 123.
Lavrov (2017).
- 124.
- 125.
Karaganov and Suslov (2018).
- 126.
Wright (2017), 49.
- 127.
Ivanov (2018).
- 128.
- 129.
Wright (2017), 43–45.
- 130.
- 131.
Ren (2018).
- 132.
- 133.
- 134.
Wu (2018).
- 135.
The Latest: Congo to boycott UN meetings about the country (2018).
- 136.
- 137.
Jahn (2018), 58–60.
- 138.
Cox (1993), 60–62.
- 139.
In Cox’s formulation, the years 1875–1945 were a nonhegemonic period (as well as the period following the late 1960s and early 1970s). Again, such categorizations come down to choosing ones perspective and measurements for hegemony. One could also claim that although especially the years preceding the two world wars witnessed serious contestation of organizing principles, and even though the processes of changing the hegemon and reformulating the organizing principles were underway, the cultural hegemony of the West did not entirely cave in.
- 140.
Mouffe (1999), 754–755.
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Lehti, M., Pennanen, HR. (2020). Beyond Liberal Empire and Peace: Declining Hegemony of the West?. In: Lehti, M., Pennanen, HR., Jouhki, J. (eds) Contestations of Liberal Order. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-22059-4_2
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