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Richard Titmuss, Eugenics, and Social Science in Mid-twentieth-Century Britain

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The History of Sociology in Britain

Abstract

Richard Titmuss (1907–1973) was far from the only social scientist working in mid-twentieth-century Britain to have an interest in eugenics. Yet, as I show in this chapter, he is a particularly instructive case study for helping us understand the impact that biosocial science had on many social scientists’ identity and sense of purpose during that period. Focusing on his early career, from the mid-1930s to the mid-1950s, this chapter traces Titmuss’ underappreciated personal and intellectual connections with the eugenics movement and shows how his interests in issues such as inequality and welfare services were shaped by them. As the chapter argues, acknowledging these connections is necessary if we are to appreciate the complex origins of British sociology’s concern with issues such as waste and potential, particularly at the bottom of the social structure.

I wish to thank, firstly, Plamena Panayotova for the invitation to speak at the conference on the history of sociology in Britain, held at the University of Edinburgh in April 2018, where a version of this paper was first presented. The conference was a great success, with thought-provoking questions and lively discussion. I must also thank Ann Oakley and John Stewart for reading and commenting on earlier drafts of this chapter, as well as the Arts and Humanities Research Council (grant number AH/L007312/1), whose financial assistance made the research for this paper possible.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Lafitte is a strangely understudied figure, lacking even an Oxford Dictionary of National Biography entry. For more on Lafitte, see Deakin (2004).

  2. 2.

    This description of Titmuss is often quoted but only seldom attributed to Leach, almost always without reference to an original source. See, for example, Kynaston (2007: 26).

  3. 3.

    For further accounts of Titmuss’ life and work, see Gowing (1975) and Reisman (2001).

  4. 4.

    In this respect, my take on Titmuss’ development mirrors some of distinctions Joel Isaac has made in his account of Thomas Kuhn—specifically the idea that there is a difference between the context of production and reception of some of their most important work (Isaac 2012).

  5. 5.

    For more on the history of social work in late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Britain, see Abrams (1968: ch. 4), Seed (1973) and Shaw (2014). For a recent study of women’s particular contribution to social work in that period, as well as social reform and welfare more generally, see Oakley (2018). For a general history, see Payne (2005).

  6. 6.

    For comparative histories of eugenics in this period, see Kevles (1984), Paul (1998).

  7. 7.

    Titmuss was involved in the Eugenics Society’s work on problem families after the Second World War. See Welshman (2004).

  8. 8.

    Carr-Saunders is another figure about whom puzzlingly little has been written, though, unlike Lafitte, he does, at least, have an Oxford Dictionary of National Biography entry. For more on Carr-Saunders see, Osborne and Rose (2008).

  9. 9.

    Titmuss’ focus on population and analysis of population statistics has been studied by John Stewart, who is currently preparing a biography of Titmuss. Stewart puts emphasis on the moral dimension of Titmuss’ work, which is explored in greater detail in the final section of this chapter (Stewart 2017).

  10. 10.

    Though, of course, Pinker seems to have recently changed course, arguing that things really are getting better and that humans respond to a kind of Eliasian civilising process (Pinker 2012).

  11. 11.

    For more on Huxley, see Waters and van Helden (1992). See also Smith (2003) for an excellent contextualisation of biology and progressive thought in which Huxley is a case study.

  12. 12.

    Titmuss would cite Huxley’s lecture frequently in the 1940s. See, for example, Titmuss (Titmuss 1943b: 68).

  13. 13.

    Indeed, in this respect, Titmuss’ work fits with what David Edgerton has described as the emergence of “the nation” in Britain during the first half of the twentieth century. On Edgerton’s account this is to be expected as the post-Second World War welfare state was part of the moment of nationalisation that was itself possible because of a shift to thinking about Britain less as a liberal and global power and more as a coherent and singular entity with its own internal history and logic (Edgerton 2018).

  14. 14.

    Indeed, Titmuss later contributed a preface to a new edition of Tawney’s Equality (Titmuss 1964).

  15. 15.

    “Janus-faced” is a term deployed by the historian Betty Jo Teeter Dobbs (1991) to describe the natural philosopher Isaac Newton’s complex science and character.

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Renwick, C. (2019). Richard Titmuss, Eugenics, and Social Science in Mid-twentieth-Century Britain. In: Panayotova, P. (eds) The History of Sociology in Britain. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-19929-6_5

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