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Unemployed Protests in Tunisia: Between Grassroots Activism and Formal Organization

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Socioeconomic Protests in MENA and Latin America

Part of the book series: Middle East Today ((MIET))

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Abstract

This chapter analyzes and compares the two most important types of unemployed mobilization in contemporary Tunisia: first, spontaneous, mostly disruptive contentious actions by unemployed people who operate outside formal organizations at the local level, using the example of the Gafsa mining basin and, second, formally organized activism within the framework of the Union of Unemployed Graduates (Union des Diplômés Chômeurs—UDC), the only unemployed organization at the national level. The chapter shows that unemployed mobilization in post-revolutionary Tunisia has been quite significant, but that despite the greater political freedom that theoretically would allow unemployed groups to join forces and rally together, unemployed protests are characterized by growing fragmentation. In order to explain the general lack of cooperation of unemployed activists with each other, as well as with other societal and political actors, the chapter systematically compares the two different types of unemployed mobilization. Based on extensive fieldwork, it finds that at the grassroots level, being “political” or “politicized” remains a negative attribute, which expresses a deeply felt mistrust of political institutions and parties, as well as social (trade union) organizations and even the UDC. This constitutes a major obstacle to any form of social and political cooperation of unemployed activists.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Around 30 interviews with Union des Diplômés Chômeurs (UDC) activists, trade unionists, politicians, and journalists were conducted in Tunis, Sfax, Gabes, and Redeyef in November 2014, March 2015, and October and November 2016. Additional participant observation and group discussions were possible during the World Social Forum in Tunis in March 2015. The case study of Gafsa additionally builds on fieldwork conducted between 2015 and 2016 in Redeyef and Oum Larayes: 20 interviews, 5 focus groups with unemployed activists (graduates and nongraduates), and 4 interviews with members of the local and regional offices of the Tunisian General Labour Union.

  2. 2.

    At the same time, investment was channeled away from Tunisia’s South, whose population largely supported Salah Ben Youssef, the great rival to Bourguiba during the fight for independence (Hibou 2015a, p. 125).

  3. 3.

    For an overview of this development in Gafsa, see Hibou 2015b.

  4. 4.

    In 2014 and 2016, respectively, Tunisia’s two major parties, Nidaa Tunis and al-Nahda, identified the development of marginalized regions and job creation in particular as a top priority. See, for instance, the speeches by Beji Caid Essebsi, “Speech of the Tunisian President Beji Caid Essebsi after his swearing in,” Channel 9, December 31, 2014, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BIpfRh0bxbI (accessed January 23, 2019), and Rashid Ghanoushi, General Secretary of al-Nahda party, during the 10th Party Congress on May 21, 2016: “Speech of Rashid Ghanoushi at the opening of the al-Nahda’s 10th conference,” Tunisian News Network, May 20, 2016, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FN9BAptqCAA (accessed January 23, 2019).

  5. 5.

    For the concept of “injustice frames” see Gamson (1992, pp. 31–58) and Tarrow (2011, pp. 140–156).

  6. 6.

    Interview with autonomous unemployed activist, Oum Larayes, August 16, 2015.

  7. 7.

    Interview with autonomous unemployed activist, Sfax, June 20, 2013.

  8. 8.

    Interview with autonomous unemployed activist, Redeyef, August 17, 2015.

  9. 9.

    Interview with Salam Ayari, group interviews, Tunis, March 2015.

  10. 10.

    On the different functions that collective action frames (can) serve, see Benford and Snow (2000).

  11. 11.

    Focus group with UDC activists, Tunis, March 2015. See also La Presse de Tunisie (2014).

  12. 12.

    See for example the criticism by the UDC of the recruitment of secondary-school teachers (Certificat d’aptitude au professorat de l’enseignement du second degré—CAPES). See Marzouk (2014).

  13. 13.

    See, for instance, Dakhli (2011), Bendana (2014), and Salmon (2016).

  14. 14.

    Interview with autonomous unemployed activist, Oum Larayes, August 16, 2015.

  15. 15.

    Interview with one of the initiators of the 2008 uprising, Redeyef, June 25, 2013.

  16. 16.

    Interview with trade unionist, Oum Larayes, August 16, 2015.

  17. 17.

    Interview with autonomous unemployed activist, August 16, 2015, Oum Larayes.

  18. 18.

    Interview with a member of the UGTT regional office in Gafsa, August 2015, Gafsa.

  19. 19.

    Interview with a member of the UGTT executive board, Tunis, November 2014.

  20. 20.

    Focus group with unemployed graduates, Redeyef, January 2016.

  21. 21.

    Interview Salam al-Ayari, Tunis, March 2015.

  22. 22.

    At that time, the governorate made promises to create 2700 jobs and encourage the private sector to invest in the region. However, sustainable development was never achieved (Hibou 2015b, pp. 317–319).

  23. 23.

    Interview with autonomous unemployed activist, Redeyef, August 2015.

  24. 24.

    Interview with autonomous unemployed activist, Oum Larayes, August 2015.

  25. 25.

    Focus group with unemployed graduates, Sit-in in Redeyef, January 2016.

  26. 26.

    Ministerial delegation to Gafsa, April 23, 2015; meetings of Kamel Jandoubi, Minister for Relations with Constitutional Institutions, Civil Society, and Human Rights; as well as interviews with protesters, May 26–27, 2015, in Tunis.

  27. 27.

    Houssem Ben Azaz from Oum Larayes committed suicide by self-immolation on February 4, 2016. The most unconventional protest form was a march toward Algeria with participants threatening to give up Tunisian citizenship.

  28. 28.

    This is an appointed state official responsible for a subregional “delegation” serving as the intermediary between the governorate and the smallest administrative unit, the so-called sector (imada).

  29. 29.

    Interview with autonomous unemployed activist, Redeyef, August 2015.

  30. 30.

    Focus group interview with unemployed graduates and demonstrators at the delegation of Oum Larayes, February 5, 2016.

  31. 31.

    Interview with both UDC and al-Nahda members. For more on the Islamist versus secularist cleavage that dominated the Tunisian transformation process until late 2013, see Boubekeur 2016.

  32. 32.

    See “The President of the Republic on the Program Today al-Yom al-Thamin the Tunisian Dialogue Channel,” Tunisian Dialogue Channel, May 11, 2015, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_o_YjbDjrbQ (accessed January 22, 2019).

  33. 33.

    “Baji Caid Essebsi: Tunisia is targeted,” Qafsa Broadcasting, December 22, 2016, http://www.radiogafsa.tn/الباجي-قائد-السبسي-تونس-مستهدفة-في-أمن/ (accessed January 22, 2019).

  34. 34.

    “Address to the nation by President Essebsi after stoppages in a number states,” Hannibal TV, January 22, 2016, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BErtI5wuRo8 (accessed 22 January 2019).

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Correspondence to Irene Weipert-Fenner .

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Hamdi, S., Weipert-Fenner, I. (2020). Unemployed Protests in Tunisia: Between Grassroots Activism and Formal Organization. In: Weipert-Fenner, I., Wolff, J. (eds) Socioeconomic Protests in MENA and Latin America. Middle East Today. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-19621-9_8

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