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Kosovar Women Engaged in Prostitution: (The Consequences of) Being Defined as a Voluntary Prostitute

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Post-War Prostitution

Part of the book series: Studies of Organized Crime ((SOOC,volume 17))

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Abstract

Kosovar women engaged in prostitution in their home country in larger numbers when it became virtually impossible for foreign women to live in Kosovo and work in its sex industry. A large number of the Kosovar women who engaged in prostitution in bars were not identified as victims of trafficking by Kosovar law enforcement. Instead, these women were considered to be “voluntary prostitutes.” Their lived experiences are discussed in this chapter. The consequences of being identified as a “voluntary prostitute” will specifically be addressed. Those considered to be voluntary prostitutes have to deal with stigma and are denied healthcare attuned to their needs, as well as legal protection. The stigma results in the social exclusion of Kosovar women who engage in prostitution; they tend to be shunned by their family and the community at large. Their hindered access to health services, amongst other forms of assistance, results in limited condom use and a lack of treatment of sexually transmitted infections, which in turn affects the health of clients and their families. The denial of legal protection means that women rarely go to the police after they have been raped, robbed or encounter violence by clients or bar owners. The chapter puts forward that the attention paid to alleged victims of trafficking means that women who are not labelled as such are ignored, as they are considered voluntary prostitutes. But simple narratives about voluntary prostitutes obscure their negative experiences, thus making for “dangerous tales.”

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Since 2005, figures from the National Authority against Trafficking in Human Beings show a rise in the numbers of domestic victims of trafficking for sexual purposes (Republic of Kosovo, 2009, 2010, 2015). These numbers are based on statistical data from the Kosovo police and primarily consist of cases of Kosovar women and girls who are identified as internal trafficking victims for the purpose of sexual exploitation. A small number of the cases refer to other forms of trafficking, such as exploitation of children for beggary and forced labor (Republic of Kosovo, 2015, p. 10). This statistical data does not necessarily reflect larger trends in the Kosovar prostitution business, as it excludes those who are engaged in prostitution but who are not defined as victims of trafficking. However, the increased tendency for Kosovar women to engage in the sex industry in their home country was confirmed during visits to premises that functioned as meeting grounds for sex workers and clients. There was only one Moldovan woman amongst the dozens of women I met in bars from 2013 onward; all the others were local and, to a lesser extent, from neighboring Albania. As outlined in the previous chapter, women from Albania were largely able to continue their work in the Kosovar sex industry when foreign women from other countries were sent back home. The experiences of foreign women—from Albania and elsewhere—who engaged in prostitution in the context of the peacekeeping mission in Kosovo have been analyzed in Chap. 5.

  2. 2.

    Interview with KPO3, October 8, 2013.

  3. 3.

    See Sect. 5.7 for a discussion of this UN Protocol, including the three constituent elements of human trafficking.

  4. 4.

    See Sect. 5.1.

  5. 5.

    Interview with KPO3, October 8, 2013. Also mentioned in interview with NGO2, October 2, 2013, and interview with KPO2, January 8, 2014.

  6. 6.

    Interviews with NGO2, October 2, 2013, and NGO1, November 8, 2013, as well as various informal conversations with citizens of Kosovo between 2011 and 2016.

  7. 7.

    https://ask.rks-gov.net/media/1687/results-of-the-kosovo-2015-labour-force-survey.pdf, accessed January 23, 2017.

  8. 8.

    In this study, young people are defined as those aged between 15 and 24.

  9. 9.

    In the winter of 2014/2015, widespread discontent with economic prospects and the rule of law resulted in a mass exodus of an estimated 5% of the total population of Kosovo to the European Union. The majority of these migrants tried to enter the EU without the required visa and, as a consequence, were sent back to Kosovo or entered the EU illegally (World Bank, 2015, p. 2).

  10. 10.

    Interviews with KPO3, October 8, 2013, and NGO2, October 2, 2013, as well as with NGO1, November 8, 2013.

  11. 11.

    Informal conversation with Saranda, September 19, 2013.

  12. 12.

    Informal conversation with Saranda, September 27, 2013.

  13. 13.

    Informal conversation with Saranda, October 3, 2013.

  14. 14.

    Informal conversation with Saranda, November 2, 2013.

  15. 15.

    Informal conversation with Shqipe, October 1, 2013.

  16. 16.

    Informal conversation with Lorena, June 2, 2013.

  17. 17.

    Informal conversations with HTE5 between 2011 and 2015.

  18. 18.

    Informal conversations with KLA2 in 2013.

  19. 19.

    Interview with Saranda, November 4, 2013.

  20. 20.

    Informal conversation with Saranda, September 25, 2013.

  21. 21.

    Informal conversation with Bujar, November 2, 2013.

  22. 22.

    The German mark was unofficially but widely used in Kosovo before the war. In September 1999, UNMIK legalized its use in Kosovo and the population adopted the German mark as its common currency. The euro was adopted as the legal currency on January 1, 2002 (Maloku & Badivuku Pantina, 2011).

  23. 23.

    In Kosovo, it is not completely exceptional for children to stay with the family of the father after a divorce. In my conversations with other divorced women, they often mentioned their struggles to keep their children with them.

  24. 24.

    Informal conversations with Lorena, April 27 and 29, 2013; May 3, 2013; and October 9, 2013.

  25. 25.

    Interview with EUL6, March 26, 2013.

  26. 26.

    Interview with ACA3, March 21, 2013.

  27. 27.

    Interview with Kaltrina, April 20, 2013.

  28. 28.

    Interview with Elira, March 16, 2013.

  29. 29.

    See also Rohde (1999) for a description of the stream of Kosovar Albanian refugees who tried to enter Macedonia in April 1999.

  30. 30.

    Interview with Genta, October 20, 2013.

  31. 31.

    Security, as presented here, follows a more positive notion of security as elaborated upon by Oude Breuil (2014). Such a notion not only considers security in the negative light of crime, disorder, and fear, but is concerned, for instance, with the ways in which individuals try to care for themselves and their loved ones.

  32. 32.

    Hirschi’s theory of bonding and social control has, of course, been subject to other critiques. Blanc, Ouimet, and Tremblay (1988) question the scope of the theory by suggesting it is only applicable to specific crimes such as violence. Likewise, Thio (1978) puts forward that the theory applies only to unsophisticated crimes. Furthermore, it has been suggested that the theory of bonding and social control fails to explain why a lack of social bonds will cause one person to turn to theft while another turns to drug use (Walklate, 2007, p. 26).

  33. 33.

    The main transit routes for heroin through Kosovo that are identified by the European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addiction (2010, p. 14) are: Afghanistan–Iran–Turkey–Bulgaria–former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia or Albania–Kosovo–Serbia–EU member states, and Afghanistan–Iran–Turkey–Greece–Albania–Kosovo–Montenegro–EU member states.

  34. 34.

    http://www.kosovapress.com/en/news/-blakaj-a-growing-number-of-drug-users-in-kosovo-26809/, accessed January 27, 2017.

  35. 35.

    Transcript of interview by Guido van Eijck (historian involved in Willem Poelstra’s photo project), February 5, 2016.

  36. 36.

    Interview with Lindita, December 5, 2011.

  37. 37.

    For instance, I met these women in drop-in centers for people affected by drugs.

  38. 38.

    Interview with Zamira, November 25, 2011.

  39. 39.

    Interview with Dua, March 20, 2013.

  40. 40.

    Most women did use alcohol. Amongst other reasons, they did so to deal with their experiences in the bar—see Sect. 6.6.1.

  41. 41.

    The definition of the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children, supplementing the UN Convention against Transnational Organized Crime, is given in Annex One. See also UNODC (2004).

  42. 42.

    See Sect. 5.3.1.

  43. 43.

    Interview with Saranda, September 27, 2013.

  44. 44.

    Informal conversation with Lorena, May 14, 2013.

  45. 45.

    Informal conversation with Lorena, April 29, 2013.

  46. 46.

    Informal conversation with Elira, March 16, 2013.

  47. 47.

    Interview with Saranda, March 13, 2013.

  48. 48.

    The owners of the premises where Sofija was working took other measures to protect themselves from law enforcement (see Sect. 5.4.2).

  49. 49.

    Interview with Elira, September 25, 2013.

  50. 50.

    Informal conversation with Shqipe and Mimoza, October 1, 2013.

  51. 51.

    In one case, the young woman also had an Albanian passport because her father was from Albania.

  52. 52.

    https://www.sem.admin.ch/dam/data/sem/rechtsgrundlagen/weisungen/visa/bfm/bfm-anh01-liste1-e.pdf, accessed November 28, 2017.

  53. 53.

    Observations in bars and informal conversation with Saranda on September 25, 2013, who stated, “It wasn’t a busy day in the bar so far. I called some friends to ask if they wanted to come to the bar for food or drinks, but they were all busy.” However, some women, like Lorena, did not like their mobile numbers to circulate freely. Lorena’s boyfriend, a married man, would get jealous if she received phone calls from other men; therefore, she did not share her number with people whom she did not know very well. After we exchanged numbers, Lorena said, “Please don’t give my number to Saranda. Nobody has it and I don’t know Saranda very well. I don’t know what she would do with it, to whom she would give it. The other day a client told my colleague that he wanted to have the number of ‘that one’—and then he pointed at me. He said, ‘I give you 50 euro for her number.’ But my colleague did not have my number. I don’t want people to share it for money, so I don’t give it to anyone” (informal conversation with Lorena, May 21, 2013).

  54. 54.

    Discussion with Shqipe and Mimoza, April 16, 2013.

  55. 55.

    Informal conversation with Aferdita, September 19, 2013.

  56. 56.

    Informal conversation with Lorena, October 18, 2013.

  57. 57.

    Informal conversation with Elira, September 25, 2013.

  58. 58.

    Raki is a popular drink in Kosovo. It is a collective term for all sorts of fruit brandies.

  59. 59.

    As outlined in Sect. 5.2.1 as well, women are further inclined to drink since it provides them with income: they can earn money if clients buy them drinks. Women generally received half the price of each drink that a client bought for them. A young woman explained that she thus preferred to drink vodka Red Bull: “Vodka Red Bull is expensive. It costs like five euro. Just Red Bull is cheaper. It’s not that I always prefer to drink alcohol. Sometimes I prefer to be conscious. If my client drinks and I drink, then I might lose control” (interview, March 16, 2013). Yet in the end, she mostly opted for vodka Red Bull in order to have more earnings. Alcohol use is therefore a central element of the work in bars, both as a way to make a living and as a coping mechanism.

  60. 60.

    Interview with Lorena, April 17, 2013.

  61. 61.

    Some trendy restaurants, nightclubs, and bars in Pristina are notable exceptions to this unwritten rule.

  62. 62.

    Informal conversation with Elira, November 2, 2013.

  63. 63.

    For the most part, the only social contacts women had outside the sex industry consisted of a family member who would not have broken off contact completely and/or a boyfriend (who was always already married). As mentioned in Sect. 4.3.3, however, women had usually met the latter through sex work as well.

  64. 64.

    Interview with NGO2, October 2, 2013.

  65. 65.

    Informal conversation with WP5, April 14, 2013.

  66. 66.

    See, for instance, Bregman (September 9, 2015).

  67. 67.

    Informal conversation with Saranda, April 14, 2013.

  68. 68.

    As Goffman (1963) has put forward, stigma is a social construction. It is the outcome of a relationship between various actors and not inherent in an act itself (e.g., engagement in sex work). Consequently, Weitzer (2017) argues that efforts can and should be made to reduce or eliminate stigma from sex work. Possibilities to do so in the specific context of Kosovo have been outlined in an unpublished report drafted for Global Fund, “Programmatic Mapping and Size Estimation of Female Sex Workers in Kosovo” (De Wildt, 2015). Suggestions include raising public awareness about the lived experiences of women engaged in prostitution. This has been done, for instance, through a photo exhibition in Pristina (October 7–17, 2016) and the publication of a book (Poelstra, 2017) in which pictures of women are featured alongside stories that give an insight into their lived experiences.

  69. 69.

    Decriminalization of prostitution in New Zealand (Abel et al., 2009; Rottier, 2018) and legalization of prostitution in Belgium, Germany, and the Netherlands are notable exceptions (Weitzer, 2012).

  70. 70.

    Engaging in prostitution is an offense according to Article 7: Law on public peace and order, Law No. 03/L-142. In case of force, the act could also fall under Article 171: Trafficking in persons; Article 241: Facilitating or compelling prostitution; and Article 169: Slavery of the criminal code of the Republic of Kosovo, Code No. 04/L-082.

  71. 71.

    Hughes (2000), Hughes and Denisova (2001) and Malarek (2004), for instance, describe instances in which physical violence and rape by traffickers—intended to break a woman’s will—prevail. Weitzer (2005, 2007) and Zhang (2009) have criticized such accounts for their lack of empirical evidence.

  72. 72.

    Notes, September 25, 2013.

  73. 73.

    Interview with Jehona, November 23, 2011.

  74. 74.

    Interview with Katarina, November 30, 2011.

  75. 75.

    This reality is rooted in the moral argument that those who engaged in prostitution voluntarily (the meaning of which has been disputed) are responsible for their own path (i.e., they deserve whatever they get). These women are not considered ideal victims (Christie, 1986), and consequently their often-precarious situation is ignored. However, morality, with discriminatory laws and practices in its slipstream, only worsens the situations of women who already find themselves in precarious circumstances.

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de Wildt, R. (2019). Kosovar Women Engaged in Prostitution: (The Consequences of) Being Defined as a Voluntary Prostitute. In: Post-War Prostitution. Studies of Organized Crime, vol 17. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-19474-1_6

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