Abstract
This chapter covers the United Nations rule of East Timor, 1999–2002. The mission was charged with building an entirely new state, from scratch. This was a period with emphasis on peacekeeping and reconstruction activities instead of on institutional development. The contact between the UN personnel and the local population was minimal. It may be argued that some of the decisions taken then negatively affected future outcomes, but the UN necessarily had to tread lightly, given fractured Timorese community and the concern that Indonesia might destabilize the situation. By and large, however, the mission failed to prepare a domestic administration that could take over in a seamless fashion when the international personnel left the country.
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Notes
- 1.
Molnar (2010, p. 64).
- 2.
Federer (2005, p. 70).
- 3.
Batley (2003, p. 50).
- 4.
Leach (2017, p. 120).
- 5.
United Nations Security Council (2003, pp. 297–98).
- 6.
Vieira de Mello (2003, p. 16).
- 7.
Federer (2005, p. 60).
- 8.
Traub (2000, p. 74).
- 9.
Cliffe (2003, pp. 109–10).
- 10.
Ibid., p. 110.
- 11.
Federer (2005, p. 81).
- 12.
Ibid.
- 13.
Ingram (2003, pp. 86–87) and Molnar (2010, p. 66).
- 14.
Ingram (2003, p. 87).
- 15.
King (2003) offers a detailed analysis of both this and the presidential election.
- 16.
Molnar (2010, pp. 69–72).
- 17.
Ibid., p. 75 and Kingsbury (2009, pp. 100–101).
- 18.
Federer (2005, p. 97).
- 19.
Asia Foundation (2001, p. 44). The confusion resulted in some strange outcomes (Federer 2005, p. 99):
If the election was party-based, then the election campaign should have focused on the various constitutional proposals of the respective parties. It did not. In addition to not addressing the task, the quality of the statements made on the communications media were often very poor. The extreme case was probably the allegation of a candidate of a so-called Partido Popular de Timor (PPT), that he was a relative of Prince Charles of England and a major shareholder in the World Bank. He claimed in his campaign that this would allow him to provide huge funds to East Timor once he was elected. Not only was the person not disqualified by the IEC [Independent Electoral Commission], but ended up being elected to the Constituent Assembly, subsequently becoming a member of the Legislative Assembly of Timor Leste!
- 20.
Kingsbury (2009, p. 101).
- 21.
Ibid.
- 22.
Binchy (2009, p. 261).
- 23.
The text of the constitution can be found in Government of Timor-Leste (2002). For an analysis of the text, see Binchy (2009).
- 24.
Molnar (2010, pp. 76–77).
- 25.
Chopra (2002, p. 982).
- 26.
Molnar (2010, p. 77).
- 27.
Kingsbury (2009, p. 103).
- 28.
Ibid.
- 29.
Molnar (2010, pp. 77–78).
- 30.
Ibid., p. 80.
- 31.
Nevins (2009, p. 506).
- 32.
The more than 2000-page report of the commission is contained in CAVR (2005a, b, c).
- 33.
Weldemichael (2013, p. 128).
- 34.
Ibid., p. 303.
- 35.
Kingston (2009, pp. 531–33) and Philpott (2009, p. 238).
- 36.
Kingsbury (2009, p. 103).
- 37.
Philpott (2009, p. 255).
- 38.
Jannisa (forthcoming, Chapter 15, note 118).
- 39.
De Varennes (2009, p. 369) and De Araújo e Corte-Real (2014, p. 157). The latter work is an excellent introduction to the language issue in East Timor.
- 40.
De Araújo e Corte-Real (2014) covers all its dimensions.
- 41.
Ibid., p. 159.
- 42.
De Varennes (2009, p. 364).
- 43.
Wendel (2005, p. 65).
- 44.
De Araújo e Corte-Real (2014, p. 158).
- 45.
De Varennes (2009, p. 367).
- 46.
Asia Foundation (2001, p. 69).
- 47.
Direcção Nacional de Estatística (2008, p. 22).
- 48.
Scott (2001, p. 30) and Kingsbury (2009, pp. 93–94).
- 49.
De Araújo e Corte-Real (2014, note, p. 167).
- 50.
Federer (2005, p. 92).
- 51.
Wendel (2005, p. 73).
- 52.
De Araújo e Corte-Real (2014, p. 174).
- 53.
Suhrke (2001, p. 11).
- 54.
Ibid., p. 2.
- 55.
Ibid., p. 13.
- 56.
Chopra (2002, p. 981).
- 57.
Ibid.
- 58.
Ibid.
- 59.
Molnar (2010, p. 65).
- 60.
Ibid., p. 68.
- 61.
Ibid., p. 65.
- 62.
Ibid. The political elite and its various factions are analyzed at length in Guterres (2006).
- 63.
Shepherd (2014, p. 129).
- 64.
Kingsbury (2009, p. 84).
- 65.
Federer (2005, p. 82), Molnar (2010, p. 65), and Shepherd (2014, p. 126).
- 66.
Shepherd (2014, pp. 125–26).
- 67.
Federer (2005, p. 85).
- 68.
Ibid.
- 69.
Ibid., p. 86.
- 70.
Vieira de Mello (2003, p. 19).
- 71.
Shepherd (2014, p. 128).
- 72.
Federer (2005, pp. 90–91).
- 73.
Molnar (2010, pp. 66–67).
- 74.
Traub (2000, p. 75).
- 75.
Federer (2005, p. 102).
- 76.
Ibid., p. 77.
- 77.
Suhrke (2001, p. 6).
- 78.
Ibid., p. 7.
- 79.
This opinion is not shared by everybody. ‘Indeed, the one functioning institution in East Timor is the CNRT, which has representatives in every town and whose authority appears to be unquestioned,’ writes James Traub (2000, p. 87).
- 80.
Federer (2005, pp. 78–79).
- 81.
Traub (2000, p. 75).
- 82.
Kingsbury (2009, p. 78).
- 83.
Ibid.
- 84.
Ibid., p. 79.
- 85.
Saldanha (2003, p. 162).
- 86.
Suhrke (2001, p. 14).
- 87.
Cliffe (2003, p. 118).
- 88.
Federer (2005, p. 102).
- 89.
Kingsbury (2009, p. 80).
- 90.
Ingram (2003, p. 85).
- 91.
Kingsbury (2009, pp. 81–82).
- 92.
Ibid., p. 83.
- 93.
Ibid., p. 80.
- 94.
Ibid., p. 97.
- 95.
Shepherd (2014, p. 126).
- 96.
Leach (2017, p. 148).
- 97.
Kingsbury (2009, p. 92).
- 98.
Ibid.
- 99.
Chopra (2002, p. 992).
- 100.
Ibid., p. 993.
- 101.
Ibid.
- 102.
Cliffe (2003, p. 119).
- 103.
Shepherd (2014, pp. 128–29).
- 104.
Ibid., p. 129.
- 105.
Ibid., p. 127.
- 106.
Federer (2005, p. 83).
- 107.
Molnar (2010, p. 78).
- 108.
Cliffe (2003, p. 105).
- 109.
Kingsbury (2009, p. 98).
- 110.
Rodrigues (2003, p. 29).
- 111.
Molnar (2010, p. 78).
- 112.
Elias (2003, p. 83).
- 113.
Cliffe (2003, p. 105).
- 114.
Federer (2005, p. 103).
- 115.
Kingsbury (2009, p. 99).
- 116.
Ibid.
- 117.
Zaum (2009, p. 192).
- 118.
Ibid., p. 187.
- 119.
Ibid., pp. 190–91.
- 120.
Ibid., p. 191.
- 121.
Nixon (2009, p. 48).
- 122.
Kingston (2009, p. 540).
- 123.
Zaum (2009, p. 100).
- 124.
Vieira de Mello (2003, p. 21).
- 125.
Cliffe (2003, p. 128).
- 126.
Ibid.
- 127.
Federer (2005, p. 103).
- 128.
Zaum (2009, p. 187).
- 129.
Ibid., pp. 193–94.
- 130.
Ibid., pp. 198–99.
- 131.
Grenfell (2009, p. 87).
- 132.
Nixon (2009, p. 1). The system as well as its historical roots is described in detail in ibid.
- 133.
Ibid., p. 4.
- 134.
Grenfell (2009, p. 88).
- 135.
Nixon (2009, pp. 25–28).
- 136.
Ibid., p. 48.
- 137.
Ibid., p. 49.
- 138.
Zaum (2009, p. 200).
- 139.
Grenfell (2009, p. 89).
- 140.
Ibid., p. 95.
- 141.
Ingram (2003, p. 87).
- 142.
Ibid.
- 143.
Ibid., p. 88.
- 144.
Suhrke (2001, p. 14).
- 145.
Cliffe (2003, pp. 100–101).
- 146.
Ingram (2003, p. 90).
- 147.
Ibid., p. 91.
- 148.
The institutional development of the ministry of health up to 2012 is analyzed in Anderson (2014).
- 149.
Hasegawa (2003, pp. 191–92).
- 150.
Vieira de Mello (2003, p. 16).
- 151.
Cliffe (2003, p. 102).
- 152.
Federer (2005, p. 104).
- 153.
Kingston (2009, p. 536).
- 154.
Kingsbury (2009, p. 83).
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Lundahl, M., Sjöholm, F. (2019). Launching a New State. In: The Creation of the East Timorese Economy. Palgrave Studies in Economic History. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-19466-6_5
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