Abstract
One need only look in any newspaper and observe the flourishing market in promises of good health through diets or ways of inhabiting the earth to find evidence that the “configurationist model,” suggested by Charles Rosenberg in 1992 to characterize one archetypal response to explain epidemics in the history of the West, is still very much alive. For Rosenberg, in the long history of attempts to explain epidemic diseases, two fundamental approaches existed and often coexisted in the West: contamination and configuration. While the former, reductionist and monocausal, consisted in the “idea of person-to-person contagion, of the transmission of some morbid material from one individual to another,” the latter implies “a vision of health as a balanced, integrated, and value-imparting relationship between humankind and its environment.” From the eighteenth through the mid-nineteenth century, configurationist arguments, refined notably in miasma theory, clearly dominated medical and nonmedical thinking in Europe and North America. For the adherents of this theory, epidemic diseases could be caused by a very wide range of environmental factors: topography, air, water, food, miasmas, or garbage. By the end of the nineteenth century, this approach, which focused more on factors from the social environment, like urbanization, working conditions, and poor education, was undermined by germ theory, which directed medical opinion toward contamination in “its modern, laboratory-oriented guise.” However, as Rosenberg states, “an interest in environmental determinants of health and disease remained alive and in continued dialogue with the new bacteriological etiology.” The contributions in this volume dealing with views on health, the natural environment, and disease in nineteenth- and twentieth-century Europe confirm this last statement. We argue that, in present times, the notion of “exposome,” coined by Christopher Paul Wild (complementing the “genome”) and defined as a person’s global exposure to the environmental factors potentially altering health and leading to our modern epidemics of chronic diseases, relates to this long history of Western medical thinking that focuses on the role of the environment to account for health and disease. Taking this long run of history into account, this books addresses the issue of how humankind has observed, imagined, and conceptualized the links between the environment and health in a broad geographical framework.
“Climate Change Is Bad for Your Health”, New York Times, Oct. 30, 2017
“Environnement : les enfants naissent pré-pollués”, Le Monde, 2 octobre 2015
“家里养这10种花, 身体越来越健康”
(Growing these 10 types of flowers in your home will improve your health), 人民日报 2017-08-17
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Notes
- 1.
Rosenberg (1992: 293–305).
- 2.
Rosenberg (1992 : 295).
- 3.
Rosenberg (1992: 299).
- 4.
While elaborated for describing the archetypal patterns of response to epidemics in Western history and to provide analytical tools for the historian, these models, themes, or views can be used to make sense of the larger issue of visions of health and disease.
- 5.
Christopher Paul Wild “Complementing the Genome with an “Exposome”: The Outstanding Challenge of Environmental Exposure Measurement in Molecular Epidemiology”. AACR, 2005, pp. 1847–1850. DOI: 10.1158/1055-9965.EPI-05-0456 Published August 2005. This concept was referred to in the reform of the French health care system in 2015, see: http://www.assemblee-nationale.fr/14/pdf/rapports/r3356.pdf. Consulted on September 4th 2019.
- 6.
Shelton (2015).
- 7.
By the end of the eighteenth century, large investigations were carried out in different parts of Europe (in France, Vicq d’Azir in 1777; in Germany, Leonhard Ludwig Finke, in 1792) in order to highlight a possible causal relationship between incidences of disease and elements from the natural environment (Vigarello 1993, [1999], p. 183). These investigations were also carried out in order to understand, from the very end of the eighteenth century, the diffusion of epidemic diseases. In the second part of the nineteenth century, medical geographies, accompanied with disease maps, flourished in Europe, and they were also made for European colonies (Picheral 1982; Koch 2011; Hanson 2012; Monnais-Rousselot 1998).
- 8.
Vigarello (1993 [1999] p. 254).
- 9.
- 10.
Montgomery and Kumar (2016, p. 6).
- 11.
Lichtenthaeler’s discussion on what is science and being scientific is translated from German into English by Paul U. Unschuld (2003, p.322-323). For Lichtenthaeler, science and being scientific rely on a scientific tripod-taking nature as a research object, recognizing the repetitive character of natural phenomena under the same conditions, grasping phenomena mentally—which, he shows, is not unique to modern times but already existed in Greek classical antiquity. For Paul Unschuld (2003, p. 323), it is clear that this tripod also existed in ancient China. For a discussion on the question of what pertains to science or not, from the perspective of world history, one can also refer to Unschuld (2003, p. 319–325), Voguel (2010, p. 472) and Sivin and Lloyd (2002).
- 12.
Leroi (2014).
- 13.
As Chemla and Fox Keller (2017) recall, several concepts have been elaborated to account for the diversity of doing science, in the past as today, from Crombie’s “style of thought,” Hacking’s “style of reasoning,” Knorr’s “epistemic cultures,” or Fox Keller’s “epistemological cultures,” among others. We agree with these scholars that all these concepts are useful for the history of science, and we also agree that none of them can be used to characterize, in a perspective of culturalism, the history of science in one specific area. While this volume aims to be cross-cultural, at no moment do we think of cultures as something homogeneous, fixed once and for all, but we follow Chemla and Fox Keller’s idea, suggested in their title “Cultures without Culturalism: The Making of Science Knowledge,” to consider cultures as something always in flux, which vary according to time, place, and social milieu. The contributions gathered in this volume will provide much evidence of this.
- 14.
Blanc et al. (2017).
- 15.
Harbsmeier (2010, p. 224).
- 16.
Fu (2010, p. 286).
- 17.
Canguilhem (1992, p. 131).
- 18.
Taylan (2014).
- 19.
This association of characteristics also existed in Japanese from which the philosopher Tetsuro Watsuji (1889 – 1960) coined the Japanese concept of “fudosei 風土性” (that Berque translated into French as “la médiance en tant que moment structurel de l’existence”). See Tetsuro, Fudo 1935 translated by A. Berque (2011).
- 20.
Wear (1992, p. 131, 133).
- 21.
Gibson (1997).
- 22.
Schaffer et al. (2009, p. xi).
- 23.
Schaffer et al. (2009, p. xv).
- 24.
- 25.
- 26.
Subrahmanyan (1997).
- 27.
- 28.
Nietzsche (2005, p. 159).
- 29.
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Bretelle-Establet, F., Gaille, M., Katouzian-Safadi, M. (2019). Introduction. In: Bretelle-Establet, F., Gaille, M., Katouzian-Safadi, M. (eds) Making Sense of Health, Disease, and the Environment in Cross-Cultural History: The Arabic-Islamic World, China, Europe, and North America. Boston Studies in the Philosophy and History of Science, vol 333. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-19082-8_1
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