Abstract
South African policymakers’ failure to embrace a rapid transition to renewable energy (RE) generation results not simply from insufficient appreciation of its immediate and longer term benefits, but from their protracted deterrence of this option. The sources and mechanisms of deterrence, however, long predate the advent of RE competition, as may be seen from the evolution of South Africa’s energy parastatal, Eskom. Prior to the current era of universal franchise, the combination of lengthy periods of dominant party rule with the rise of dominant mining interests made parastatals a useful means of combining industrialisation with political patronage. At the same time, however, Eskom’s governance structures were explicitly designed to insulate it from popular pressure and demands for transparency in all but the most extraordinary of circumstances—a tendency that continued into the democratic era. The use of “preferential procurement” legislation to govern licencing and government purchasing creates incentives for companies to recruit the politically well-connected onto their boards, increasing the interpenetration of public and private interests. These factors combined to make the neo-patrimonial governance style of the Zuma presidency more likely, and conflicts of interest virtually inevitable. In parallel with these developments, however, an absence of transparency and accountability—and the growing challenges of sourcing affordable coal for electricity generation—have conspired to make inadequate infrastructure planning and resultant power outages also increasingly likely. The “perfect storm” of “peak coal,” patronage, poor planning and lack of accountability have combined to plunge Eskom into a protracted crisis from which it is unlikely to emerge intact.
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Notes
- 1.
- 2.
Lodge (2014).
- 3.
Lodge (2014).
- 4.
Jaglin and Dubresson (2016: 1).
- 5.
Eberhard (2005).
- 6.
Styan (2015: 54).
- 7.
Bratsis (2014: 110).
- 8.
PFMA (1999: Section 50[2] and [3]).
- 9.
- 10.
- 11.
For example, Hofstatter concludes by stating “The plunder of Eskom and other parastatals brought the economy to the brink of collapse. … Without Gigaba, Molefe, Singh, Brown, Pamensky, Koko, and Maritz, the looting game could never have been played to such devastating effect. That they are gone is small solace for taxpayers forced to foot the R50-billion bill. But for now, at least, the licence to loot has been revoked” (Hofstatter 2018: 244).
- 12.
Malala (2015: 147–148).
- 13.
Feinstein (2007).
- 14.
Huntington (1968).
- 15.
Bhorat and Swilling (2017).
- 16.
But see Satgar (2018).
- 17.
Eberhard (2007).
- 18.
Eberhard (2007: 216).
- 19.
Christie (1984: 5–6).
- 20.
Styan (2015: 10–12).
- 21.
Eberhard (2007: 219).
- 22.
- 23.
Padayachee (1991: 96).
- 24.
Styan (2015: 15).
- 25.
Styan (2015: 16).
- 26.
Eberhard (2007: 234).
- 27.
Yelland (2011).
- 28.
ENCA (2013).
- 29.
DME (1998).
- 30.
MPE (2000: 3).
- 31.
MPE (2000: 129–134).
- 32.
DME (2003).
- 33.
Eberhard (2007: 250).
- 34.
- 35.
Styan (2015: 19–20).
- 36.
Le Roux (2006).
- 37.
CDE (2008: 3).
- 38.
Hofstatter (2018: 76).
- 39.
CDE (2008: 1).
- 40.
Donnelly (2009).
- 41.
Styan (2015: 1).
- 42.
He referred to the fact that at the time, Eskom was buying “20 percent of its coal from hundreds of small BEE contractors” that was “expensive” and “often of poor quality” (CDE 2008: 9).
- 43.
DME (1998: 53).
- 44.
Eberhard (2007: 219).
- 45.
CDE (2008: 4–7).
- 46.
- 47.
Habib (2013: 91).
- 48.
Mafeje (1978: 50–51). While this point of analytical departure stands in stark contrast to that of Mbeki’s MA thesis on West African industry written a few years earlier, Mafeje—only a few years Mbeki’s senior and from the same region of rural Eastern Cape province—was undoubtedly known to Mbeki at this time, as he had been a cause célèbre upon being refused an academic position at the University of Cape Town in 1968 on the grounds of race. He thereafter went into exile, returning to South Africa in 2000 and remaining until his death in 2007.
- 49.
PMG (2001).
- 50.
DoE (2003).
- 51.
Creamer (2011).
- 52.
Creamer (2011).
- 53.
DoE (2011).
- 54.
Eberhard et al. (2014: 8).
- 55.
Barta (2018).
- 56.
Among many examples, Mark Pamensky, the Chief Financial Officer of Oakbay Resources (among the companies organized and controlled by the Gupta brothers) at the time, was also the controlling shareholder of Tegeta (a Gupta-owned mine) while serving on the Eskom board as Investment and Finance Committee chair (Hofstatter 2018: 243–244).
- 57.
Desai et al. (2011).
- 58.
Hofstatter (2018: 1–5, 227–228).
- 59.
- 60.
Jaglin and Dubresson (2016: 146).
- 61.
Bond (2019).
- 62.
The EFF grew out of a faction of the ANC Youth League, and SAFTU is a labour federation that split off from the major confederation, Cosatu (Cottle 2019: 45).
- 63.
Gramsci (1992 [1930–1931], Notebook 1, §37: 156).
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Lawrence, A. (2020). Eskom and the Dual Character of the South African State. In: South Africa’s Energy Transition. Progressive Energy Policy. Palgrave Pivot, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-18903-7_3
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