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Abstract

Kosovo, and the Balkan Peninsula in general, has always been a territory where the civilizations and influences of Great Powers clashed and encountered divisions. Here we have the impact of a Roman Catholic Church divided from the Byzantine Orthodox Church, the influence of Christianity on the Islamic religion, and the influence of myriad geostrategic interests from the Eastern world on the Western world. These cultural and religious intersections and impacts of various geopolitical interests have influenced the development of various rival cultures, rival churches, and religious beliefs that have sometimes been clashing in Kosovo over the past few centuries.

Despite the religious and cultural diversity, the people of Kosovo have never treated such ideological divisions as the limits of their own national divisions on religious grounds, but have always cultivated feelings of harmony, tolerance, and understanding toward members of communities of other religions.

However, unfortunately, the traditional model of religious harmony and tolerance cultivated for centuries in Kosovo has only recently been attacked. The origin of these attacks extends from the beginning of 1992, when the civil war began in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and when Albania joined the Organization of the Islamic Conference. This year marks the inception of the uncontrolled arrival of “humanitarian” organizations in the region and the departure of dozens of Kosovo’s youth for religious education in Islamic Middle East centers. People and associations from the Near East came as “missionaries” and began their subversive activity in promoting Islamist extremism and spreading a radical ideology in all inhabited areas with a Muslim population in the Balkans.

In the meantime, many people and charities from the Middle East, who were later also identified as sponsors of terrorism, had invested hundreds of millions of dollars in building a strong propaganda infrastructure, aiming to provoke hatred and conflicts among the different religious communities of Kosovo. These “humanitarian” organizations created an environment that was suitable for founding an extremist Islamist movement in Kosovo, through the furnishing of materials, financial incentives, and training for an entire generation of Kosovar imams in different fundamentalist madrassas in the Middle East.

This extremist movement, through the intense propaganda of a radical Islam and the incitement of hatred and various interreligious divisions, is aimed at indoctrinating the moderate and tolerant Kosovar youth with a very radical ideology that according to them “should influence the creation of a new type of Muslim believer,” who does not know his historical past, or his national identity, or the values of democracy, but is familiar only with “Islamic” values, propagated according to certain extremist doctrines.

Therefore, by the common influence of economic, political, and social factors, and by interwoven religious and property motives, based on the adventurous feelings and on their great hope of coming to power, Islamist extremism was born and developed in Kosovo.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Kosovo Agency of Statistics (2013): “Popullsia e Kosovës 2011”, Prishtinë, pp. 30.

  2. 2.

    In Albania, the Muslim population stands at approximately 65%, in Bosnia and Herzegovina at approximately 40%, and in Macedonia at approximately 25%. Bundesamt für Verfassungsschutz (March 2006): http://www.tolerantes.brandenburg.de/media_fast/5791/broschuere_0306_islamismus.pdf.

  3. 3.

    According to the most recent population census, 38,500 Catholics are living in Kosovo. Kosovo Agency of Statistics (10 October 2016): http://data.rks-gov.net/dataset/regjistrimi-popullesise-2011.

  4. 4.

    The publication of these data led to polemics and different reactions by believers and their religious communities. The Serbian Orthodox Church considered these data to be incomplete and biased and they argued that the Serbian towns and villages in the North of Kosovo and considerable numbers of the Serbian and Roma population in other parts of the country had not participated in the latest census, which had taken place in 2011. According to data provided by the Serbian Church, there are approximately 100,000 Serbians in Kosovo. Representatives of the Catholic Church also had doubts about the published data and in turn, they published information based on their evidence, assuming that there were approximately 100,000 Catholic Kosovar Albanians, of whom approximately 40,000 were living in Kosovo and approximately 60,000 were living abroad. We refer the reader to the following link for further information: http://www.gazetaexpress.com/en/arkiva/përqindjet-e-republikës-73500/ (9 February 2012). See: https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/resources/the-world-factbook/geos/kv.html (28 December 2018).

  5. 5.

    Paul the Apostle wrote in 66 in verse 15:19 of his Epistle to the Romans that in the service of the Gospel of Christ, he had come from Jerusalem up to Illyria to preach the Gospel in those places where the name of Christ had not been known before. For further information, see: “Bible,” Diodati i Ri, 1994, Tiranë, pp. 1606.

  6. 6.

    Gaspër Gjini (1992): “Ipeshkvia Shkup-Prizren nëpër shekuj,” Zagreb, pp. 42.

  7. 7.

    Roberto Morozzo Della Rocca (1994): “Kombësia dhe feja ne Shqipëri” (Nationality and Religion in Albania), Tiranë, Shtëpia Botuese “Elena Gjika,” pp. 41–44.

  8. 8.

    Peter Bartl (2010): “Die katholische Kirche im Mittelalter und unter osmanischer Herrschaft,” in: Oliver Jens Schmitt: “Religion und Kultur im albanischsprachigen Südosteuropa,” Frankfurt am Main, Schriftreihe der Kommission für südosteuropäische Geschichte 4, pp. 57.

  9. 9.

    Rainer Glagow (2001): “Die Dschihad-Tradition im Islam,” in: “Die islamische Herausforderung - eine kritische Bestandsaufnahme von Konfliktpotenzialen,” Aktuelle Analysen 26, München, Akademie für Politik und Zeitgeschehen, pp. 47.

  10. 10.

    Shukri Rrahimi (1969): “Vilajeti i Kosovës,” Enti i Teksteve dhe i Mjeteve Mësimore i KSAK, Prishtinë, pp. 24.

  11. 11.

    When the Turks lost their wars, they committed terrible reprisals against Christian Albanians as allies of their enemies. For example, after the Polish victory in the war of 1631–1634, they committed the most serious crimes with the intention to destroy the Albanian people. Because of the heinous violence, many Catholics from Peja, Prizren and the Dukagjin area converted to Islam because they could not have saved their lives otherwise. The situation was also very bad for Catholic Albanians in 1689 after the Austrian army had invaded Kosovo.

    The fast successes of the Austrian army filled Albanians with hope that they might finally be able to liberate themselves from the bondage to which they had been subjected for centuries. Only in Prishtina, more than 6,000 Albanians joined the Austrian forces. Archbishoppjetër Bogdani participated actively in the war by fighting alongside the rebellious Albanian forces. However, after the Austrian military had withdrawn from Kosovo, the Turkish hordes started to return. Entire families followed the Austrian army to escape from the massacres of the persecutors, who burned down houses, hacked children to pieces with butchers’ knives, and leveled entire villages to the ground. The situation was similar again in 1737 when Turkey was at war with Austria and Russia. The Albanians took part in the war on the side of the Austrians under the leadership of Mëhill Suma, the bishop of Skopje. After the defeat, any hope that the country might be liberated with the aid of allied armies was lost as well. According to a report by bishop Gjon Nikollë Kazazi written to the Congregation for Evangelization in 1743, “the Turks avenged themselves horribly on the pitiable population…they drowned priests everywhere…they and the Christian population fell victim to the rage and fury of the Turks…women were sold on the markets as slaves…people were not allowed to bury dead victims for many days in a row…Muslim passers-by mocked the innocent victims,” etc. Many Albanians could save themselves from the permanent violence and the atrocities committed by the Turkish enemies over the course of the centuries only by adopting Islam. For more information, see: Dr. Gaspër Gjini (1992): “Ipeshkvia Shkupprizren nëpër shekuj,” Zagreb, pp. 124–141.

  12. 12.

    Bundesamt für Verfassungsschutz (March 2006): http://www.tolerantes.brandenburg.de/media_fast/5791/broschuere_0306_islamismus.pdf.

  13. 13.

    Zur Anzahl der Muslime in Deutschland und Europa (2016): https://manglaubtesnicht.wordpress.com/2016/12/05/zur-anzahl-von-muslimen-in-deutschland-und-europa/.

  14. 14.

    A group of militant Islamist students attacked and took the American Embassy in Tehran hostage on 4 November 1979. The staff working at the embassy were also taken hostage. All the diplomatic efforts to bring about their deliverance from captivity failed. 14 months later, when President Reagan, who had promised the deliverance of the American diplomatic staff from captivity – be it by force, if necessary – during his election campaign, had come to power in the USA, and the Iranian Government successfully “negotiated” the deliverance of the diplomatic staff from captivity.

  15. 15.

    Hans Joachim Schneider (2013): “Kriminologie,” De Gruyter, Berlin-Boston, pp. 873. See: Kolë Krasniqi (2010): “Terrorizmi Nderkombetar,” Prishtinë, pp. 35.

  16. 16.

    See: Pajtim Ribaj (2001): “Kompleksiteti i Sigurisë dhe Shqipëria si vend i vogël,” Marshall Center Alumni Association-Albania, Tirane, Revista Mbrojtja No. 11–12, pp. 7–9.

  17. 17.

    Gjergji Vurmo & Besfort Lamallari (2015): “Religious Radicalism and Violent Extremism in Albania,” Institute for Democracy and Mediation, Tirana, pp. 11. See: Pajtim Ribaj & Shpëtim Cami (2015): “Lufta, Paqja, Siguria,” Tiranë, Botimet M & B, pp. 8–16.

  18. 18.

    Gjergji Vurmo & Besfort Lamallari (2015): Cited, pp. 9.

  19. 19.

    “National strategy on the fight against violent extremism and Action plan.” Adopted by the Council of Ministers Decision no. 930, 18 November 2015, Fletorja Zyrtare No. 203: http://www.mb.gov.al/files/documents_files/Strategjia_Kombëtare_për_Luftën_kundër_Ekstremizmit_të_dhunshëm_dhe_Planit_të_Veprimit.pdf.

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Krasniqi, K. (2019). Introduction. In: Islamist Extremism in Kosovo and the Countries of the Region. SpringerBriefs in Criminology. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-18569-5_1

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