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The Normativity of Democracy

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Abstract

This chapter examines the normative grammar of the concept of democracy and compare its most general features with those of similar and competing normative political concepts such as those of justice and nondomination. It begins by problematizing the very concept of democracy and the normative function it has traditionally fulfilled in political philosophy and the political sciences. It then identifies two main conditions that a theory of democracy should perform if it is to play a more ambitious normative function, that I tentatively call ‘paradigm normativity’. It then introduces the notion of ‘normative practices’, that will provide the conceptual background for the discussion of the public-based conception of politics undertaken in subsequent chapters.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    I have to thank Jörg Volbers for having pointed out to me the connection between paradigmatic normativity and open-endedness.

  2. 2.

    To this list we may add the concept of legitimacy, which in the political sciences seems to have played a similar paradigmatic function.

  3. 3.

    Ceva and Ottonelli (2015) for example construe the concept of democracy as being primitive and at the same time strictly confined to the domain of politics. Such an account would be insufficient for the purposes of a paradigmatic account, precisely because it lacks sufficient width of reach.

  4. 4.

    Gould (2014) takes a different route from mine and proposes instead to combine different normative frameworks into an integrated one. I do not think that this route is feasible, precisely because of the intrinsic logic of normative concepts. In fact, what Gould does is the opposite of what she claim she is doing. Rather than combining a plurality of normative frameworks, she develops a justice-based conception within which she proceeds to accommodate the normative requirements of freedom, democracy, and human rights.

  5. 5.

    By democracy as regime I mean a conception of democracy defined in terms of political institutions such as the separation of powers, universal suffrage, constitutional guarantees. By democracy as procedure I mean a conception of decision making based on criteria of equal power and inclusion.

  6. 6.

    See Ceva and Ottonelli (2015), Rostbøll (2014).

  7. 7.

    “Normative democratic theory deals with the moral foundations of democracy and democratic institutions. […] It aims to provide an account of when and why democracy is morally desirable as well as moral principles for guiding the design of democratic institutions” (Christiano , 2015, 1).

  8. 8.

    See, for example, Sartori (1987).

  9. 9.

    But see also Frega (2019a, 2019b) for a more systematic account.

  10. 10.

    See, for example, Inglehart and Welzel (2005).

  11. 11.

    Frega (2015c) explores in greater details the normative implications of social interactionism.

  12. 12.

    For a similar list and a justification see, for example, Anderson (2009).

  13. 13.

    This is notably what happens in what Miranda Fricker calls cases of epistemic injustice (Fricker, 2007).

  14. 14.

    For an analysis of authority along these lines, see McMahon (1994).

  15. 15.

    This should sound as a rather uncontroversial claim. See Christiano (2008), Viehoff (2014) for extended examination.

  16. 16.

    In referring to reconstruction what I have in mind is neither Habermas’ nor Honneth’s well known reconstructive methodologies, but rather the standard pragmatist—particularly Deweyan—account of this notion. Reconstruction is an intellectual process of reinterpretation of reality that is conducted with the aim of providing guidance to present and future action, rather than as a basis for retrospective criticism. For a useful comparison among these three conceptions see (Gaus, 2013).

  17. 17.

    For a more complete account of the social interactionist roots of this approach to the ontology of democracy, see Frega (2019b).

  18. 18.

    The recurs to social ontology in political theory is not new, and the revival of Hegel’s scholarship since the late 1970s has played a major role in renewing the prospects of social ontology as a basis for democratic theory. Social ontology has generally been conceived of as a countermeasure against mainstream methodological individualism, as a way to emphasize the social prerequisites upon which political regimes rely. For this reason, political ontologies never attempted to provide a micro-foundation of politics. Similarly, no attempt has been made to flesh out a full social ontology in terms of the constitutive layers composing social reality. Although philosophers such as Crawford B. Macpherson, Carol Pateman, and Carol G. Gould have relied upon social ontological arguments to extend democratic practices to nonpolitical institutions such as the workplace, their argument lacks a systematic social-theoretical foundation of the kind attempted here.

  19. 19.

    For a discussion of problem-solving as a pattern of collective rationality common to pragmatism and critical theory, see Jaeggi (2014). For a comment, see Frega (2017c).

  20. 20.

    I discuss in greater details Dewey’s theory of inquiry as a basis for political rationality in Frega (2012b, Ch. 2).

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Frega, R. (2019). The Normativity of Democracy. In: Pragmatism and the Wide View of Democracy. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-18561-9_3

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