Abstract
This chapter’s starting point is a theme often encountered in discussions of the onset of the Anglo-American special relationship (AASR): the role played by cultural (some hold, racial) commonalities as between the two great English-speaking powers. For more than a few observers, “Anglo-Saxon” racialized ideology provides the key to understanding why the AASR first developed, and continued to thrive. This chapter challenges that view and shows what it was about “Anglo-Saxonism” that proved to be so self-defeating, logically as well as empirically. In doing so, it introduces and analyzes the two large diasporic entities that, during the culture wars of 1914–1917, were to play such an important—though decidedly unintended—part in changing the Hawthornians’ default setting of political anglophobia, by virtually compelling the English-descended Americans to embrace, rather than repel, the notion of an Anglo-American alliance, for reasons related more to their ontological security than to their country’s physical security.
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Notes
- 1.
For the strongest expression of this thesis, see Srdjan Vucetic, The Anglosphere: A Genealogy of a Racialized Identity in International Relations (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2011); and Idem, “What Is So American about the American Empire?” International Politics 48 (March/May 2011): 251–70. Also see Inderjeet Parmar, “Anglo-American Elites in the Interwar Years: Idealism and Power in the Intellectual Roots of Chatham House and the Council on Foreign Relations,” International Relations 16 (April 2002): 53–75. “By the mid-1890s,” he writes, “‘Anglo-Saxonism was a mature intellectual doctrine’, accepted by the British and American masses and elites alike” (p. 61).
- 2.
Kevin P. Phillips, The Cousins’ Wars: Religion, Politics, and the Triumph of Anglo-America (New York: Basic Books, 1999), pp. xv–xvi.
- 3.
T. Boyle, “The Venezuela Crisis and the Liberal Opposition, 1895–96,” Journal of Modern History 50 (September 1978, on-demand supplement): D1185–1212, quote at p. D1210.
- 4.
Tellingly, in the French case, Anglo-Saxonism has often been invoked as an oppositional other against which French national identity could be both known and valorized, not unlike the way, discussed in Chap. 4, the Hawthornian majority made use of political England. For the Anglo-Saxon element in French identity construction, see Jack Hayward, Fragmented France: Two Centuries of Disputed Identity (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007); as well as Marisol Touraine, “La Représentation de l’adversaire dans la politique extérieure française depuis 1981,” Revue française de science politique 43, 5 (1993): 807–22.
- 5.
Finley Peter Dunne, Mr. Dooley in Peace and War (Boston: Small, Maynard, 1898), p. 53: “You an’ me, Hinnissy, has got to bring on this here Anglo-Saxon ‘lieance. An Anglo-Saxon, Hinnissy, is a German that’s forgot who was his parents. They’re a lot iv thim in this counthry. There must be as manny as two in Boston: they’se wan up in Maine, an’ another lives at Bogg’s Ferry in New York State, an’ dhrives a milk wagon.”
- 6.
Richard T. Vann, “The Free Anglo-Saxons: A Historical Myth,” Journal of the History of Ideas 19 (April 1958): 259–72.
- 7.
Robert Tombs, The English and Their History (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2015), p. 31.
- 8.
See Reginald Horsman, “Origins of Racial Anglo-Saxonism in Great Britain before 1850,” Journal of the History of Ideas 37 (July–September 1976): 387–410.
- 9.
For a brilliant critique of this so-called science, see Stephen Jay Gould, The Mismeasure of Man (New York: Norton, 1981).
- 10.
Reginald Horsman, Race and Manifest Destiny: The Origins of American Racial Anglo-Saxonism (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981), p. 55.
- 11.
Stephen Tuffnell, “Uncle Sam Is to Be Sacrificed’: Anglophobia in Late Nineteenth-Century Politics and Culture,” American Nineteenth Century History 12 (March 2011): 77–99, quote at p. 79. Also see Goldwin Smith, “American Anglophobia,” Saturday Review 81 (22 February 1896): 190–92.
- 12.
In Orwell’s fable of barnyard autocracy, it was the pigs who advanced their claim to special standing among the putatively equal animals liberated from the tyranny of Farmer Jones; see George Orwell, Animal Farm: A Fairy Story (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1951), p. 114.
- 13.
Richard Olney, “International Isolation of the United States,” Atlantic Monthly 81 (May 1898): 577–89, quote at p. 588.
- 14.
Paul A. Kramer, “Empires, Exceptions, and Anglo-Saxons: Race and Rule Between the British and US Empires, 1880–1910,” Journal of American History 88 (March 2002): 1315–53, quote at p. 1344.
- 15.
See Aaron L. Friedberg, The Weary Titan: Britain and the Experience of Relative Decline, 1895–1905 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988).
- 16.
The reference here is to one particular episode, “The Germans,” from the British comedy series of the 1970s, Fawlty Towers, starring John Cleese.
- 17.
Consider that no fewer than three of the contemporary Federal Republic of Germany’s 16 Länder (states) bear the Saxon name either in whole or in part: Saxony, Lower Saxony, and Saxon-Anhalt.
- 18.
Havelock Ellis, “The Genius of England,” North American Review 204 (August 1916): 211–25, quote at pp. 213–14.
- 19.
William Z. Ripley, The Races of Europe: A Sociological Study (New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1899). For the impact of this racial theoretician upon American public policy during the early twentieth century, see Nell Irvin Painter, The History of White People (New York: W. W. Norton, 2010), p. 226: “Harvard’s prestige [Ripley taught there] played a large part in the longevity of such nonsense as scientific truth. But mostly The Races of Europe spoke to a race-obsessed nation by delivering the right opinions dressed up as science. Never mind that the book could not survive a careful reading, that it bulged with internal contradiction, or that its tables and maps offered a Babel of conflicting taxonomies. William Z. Ripley’s Races of Europe remained definitive for the next quarter century.”
- 20.
Madison Grant, The Passing of the Great Race, or the Racial Basis of European History (London: G. Bell and Sons, 1919), quotes at pp. 167 and 184.
- 21.
Quoted in Edward N. Saveth, American Historians and European Immigrants, 1875–1925 (New York: Russell and Russell, 1965; orig. pub., 1948), p. 41.
- 22.
Ibid., p. 42.
- 23.
John W. Burgess, “Germany, Great Britain, and the United States,” Political Science Quarterly 19 (March 1904): 1–19, quote at pp. 13–14.
- 24.
Quoted in Margaret MacMillan, The War that Ended Peace: The Road to 1914 (New York: Random House, 2013), pp. 48–49.
- 25.
The French felt betrayed by the administration, never able to bring themselves to forgive Grant for “having abandoned them during the war and for having offended them at the end of it when he sent the customary congratulations to the emperor of the German Reich”; on his death in 1885, Grant was routinely being vilified by French commentators for having been “one of the most unjust and deadliest enemies of France.” Henry Blumenthal, A Reappraisal of France-American Relations, 1830–1871 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1959), pp. 205–6.
- 26.
See Ido Oren, Our Enemies and US: America’s Rivalries and the Making of Political Science (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2003); and Idem, “The Subjectivity of the ‘Democratic’ Peace: Changing U.S. Perceptions of Imperial Germany,” International Security 20 (Fall 1995): 147–84.
- 27.
Quoted in Elizabeth Brett White, American Opinion of France: From Lafayette to Poincaré (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1927), pp. 178–79.
- 28.
Quoted in John G. Gazley, American Opinion of German Unification, 1848–1871 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1926), pp. 486–87. Also see La Vern J. Rippley, “German Assimilation: The Effect of the 1871 Victory on Americana-Germanica,” in Germany and America: Essays on Problems of International Relations and Immigration, ed. Hans Trefousse (New York: Brooklyn College Press, 1980), pp. 122–36.
- 29.
On the rise and decline of the German image in the United States, see Daniel T. Rodgers, Atlantic Crossings: Social Politics in a Progressive Age (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1998); Clara E. Schieber, The Transformation of American Sentiment Toward Germany, 1870–1914 (New York: Russell and Russell, 1923); William R. Braisted, The United States Navy in the Pacific, 1897–1909 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1958); Alfred Vagts, “Hopes and Fears of an American-German War, 1870–1915: I,” Political Science Quarterly 54 (December 1939): 514–35; Thomas A. Bailey, “Dewey and the Germans at Manila Bay,” American Historical Review 45 (October 1939): 59–81; Lester Burrell Shippee, “German-American Relations, 1890–1914,” Journal of Modern History 8 (December 1936): 479–88; and Idem, “Germany and the Spanish-American War,” American Historical Review 30 (July 1925): 754–77.
- 30.
Homer Lea, The Day of the Saxon (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1912), p. 160.
- 31.
Alexander De Conde, Ethnicity, Race, and American Foreign Policy: A History (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1992), pp. 82–83. Of course, some of those “foreign-born” originated from British ports of departure, making any precise calculation of Hawthornianism’s demographic weight a fool’s errand.
- 32.
During the years shortly before the First World War, some 20 percent of all Canadian-born North Americans were residing in the United States, such that five of the continent’s ten leading sub-federal (i.e., provincial or state) jurisdictions in which Canadians happened to live lay south of the Canada-US border. These top ten jurisdictions comprised Ontario (with 1,858,787 Canadian-born), Quebec (1,560,190), Massachusetts (516,379), Nova Scotia (435,172), Michigan (407,999), New Brunswick (313,178), New York (226,506), Manitoba (180,859), Maine (133,885), and Minnesota (114,547). See Samuel E. Moffett, The Americanization of Canada (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1972; orig. pub. 1907), pp. 10–11.
- 33.
Leonard Dinnerstein and David M. Reimers, Ethnic Americans: A History of Immigration, 4th ed. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1999), pp. 1–2; Louis L. Gerson, The Hyphenate in Recent American Politics and Diplomacy (Lawrence: University of Kansas Press, 1964), pp. 3–4. More generally, on US immigration policy, see Tom Gjelten, A Nation of Nations: A Great American Immigration Story (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2015).
- 34.
Mack Walker, Germany and the Emigration, 1816–1885 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1964); Frederick C. Luebke, Germans in the New World: Essays on the History of Immigration (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1990); and Victor Wolfgang von Hagen, The Germanic People in America (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1976).
- 35.
There can sometimes be confusion regarding the terms “first” and “second” generation; as the terms are usually employed, the first generation refers to the immigrants themselves, who were born outside the United States, while the second generation consists in the offspring of immigrant parents—at least one, typically both. See Carl F. Wittke, We Who Built America: The Saga of the Immigrant (New York: Prentice-Hall, 1939), p. 187.
- 36.
Noted one student of German-America, even as late as the era of the First World War every large US city had a German district, wherein could be discerned a “pervasive ‘foreignness’ … reinforced by the sight of shops bearing signs in German, restaurants and public houses advertising their German fare, German bookshops and newspaper offices, German physicians, grocers and banking houses—all the elements of a rather complete and self-contained community.” James M. Berquist, “German Communities in American Cities: An Interpretation of the Nineteenth Century Experience,” Journal of American Ethnic History 4 (Fall 1984): 9–30, quote at p. 9.
- 37.
Hans W. Gatzke, Germany and the United States: A ‘Special Relationship’? (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1980), pp. 28–31.
- 38.
Frederick C. Luebke, Bonds of Loyalty: German-Americans and World War I (De Kalb, ILL: Northern Illinois University Press, 1974), pp. 29–30, 34.
- 39.
One Boston-based sociologist even deemed them, in 1903, as the best of all the city’s immigrants. Frederick A. Bushee, Ethnic Factors in the Population of Boston (New York: Macmillan/American Economic Association, 1903). Prior to the war, recalls a leading expert on American diasporas, “[p]ublic opinion had come to accept the Germans as one of the most assimilable and reputable of immigrant groups.” John Higham, Strangers in the Land: Patterns of American Nativism, 1860–1925 (New York: Atheneum, 1971), p. 196.
- 40.
See Ray Allen Billington, The Protestant Crusade, 1800–1860: A Study of the Origins of American Nativism (New York: Rinehart, 1952; orig. pub. 1938).
- 41.
Robert A. Divine, American Immigration Policy, 1924–1952 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1957).
- 42.
See Tom Goyens, Beer and Revolution: The German Anarchist Movement in New York City, 1880–1914 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2007); Richard Green, Death in the Market: A Story of Chicago, the First Labor Movement, and the Bombing that Divided Gilded Age America (New York: Pantheon Books, 2006); and Paul H. Avrich, The Haymarket Tragedy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984). Three of the four anarchists hanged in the wake of the Haymarket incident were Germans (August Spies, George Engel, and Adolph Fischer); the only non-German sharing that fate was Albert Parsons, a former Confederate officer who, following the Civil War, married an African-American woman and took up a political career in anarchism.
- 43.
See Reinhard R. Doerries, Iren und Deutsche in der Neuen Welt (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag Wiesbaden, 1986).
- 44.
Noel Ignatiev, How the Irish Became White (New York: Routledge, 1995).
- 45.
See Raymond J. Cunningham, “The German Historical World of Herbert Baxter Adams: 1874–1876,” Journal of American History 68 (September 1981): 261–75.
- 46.
Thomas N. Brown, “The Origins and Character of Irish-American Nationalism,” Review of Politics 18 (July 1956): 327–58, quotes at pp. 342–43.
- 47.
Some German-Americans even insisted that American civilization had been nurtured by three different cultural sources, in proportions of rough equality: the Anglo-American, the German-American, and the German Empire. According to this reckoning, America ideationally was two-parts German, one part English! See Dorothy Ross, “Historical Consciousness in Nineteenth-Century America,” American Historical Review 89 (October 1984): 909–28.
- 48.
For a skeptical assessment of this claim, dating from the era of the Second not the First World War, see Joseph Schafer, “Who Elected Lincoln?” American Historical Review 47 (October 1941): 51–63. Also see the more recent judgment of one psephologist who has demonstrated that Lincoln’s victory margins in 1860 were large enough in Ohio, Michigan, Wisconsin, Iowa, and Minnesota for him not to need the German vote, though he obviously did get German votes; only in Illinois, where Lincoln edged out Stephen A. Douglas by 12,000 votes, could the German voter be said to have made a difference to the state outcome. Phillips, Cousins’ Wars, p. 435. More generally, see Frederick C. Luebke, ed., Ethnic Voters and the Election of Lincoln (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1971).
- 49.
Expressing dubiety about the Germans-to-the-rescue argument is Andreas Dorpalen, “The German Element and the Issues of the Civil War,” Mississippi Valley Historical Review 29 (June 1942): 55–76.
- 50.
Rudolf Cronau, Drei Jahrhunderte deutschen Lebens in Amerika: Eine Geschichte der Deutschen in den Vereinigten Staaten (Berlin: Dietrich Reimer, 1909). For a more balanced assessment, see Horst Dippel, Germany and the American Revolution, 1770–1800: A Sociohistorical Investigation of Late Eighteenth-Century Political Thinking (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1977).
- 51.
Georg von Skal, History of German Immigration in the United States and Successful German-Americans and Their Descendants (New York: F. T. and J. Smiley, 1908), p. 41.
- 52.
See Cal McCarthy, Green, Blue and Grey: The Irish in the American Civil War (Cork: Collins Press, 2009); Susannah Ural Bruce, The Harp and the Eagle: Irish-American Volunteers and the Union Army, 1861–1865 (New York: New York University Press, 2006); David T. Gleeson, The Green and Gray: The Irish in the Confederate States of America (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2013); Sean Michael O’Brien, Irish-Americans in the Confederate Army (Jefferson, NC: McFarland, 2007); Joseph M. Hernon, Jr., Celts, Catholics, and Copperheads: Ireland Views the American Civil War (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1968); and Iver Bernstein, The New York City Draft Riots: Their Significance for American Society and Politics in the Age of the Civil War (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990).
- 53.
See Neil L. York, “American Revolutionaries and the Illusion of Irish Empathy,” Éire-Ireland 21 (Summer 1986): 13–30; and David Noel Doyle, Ireland, Irishmen and Revolutionary America, 1760–1820 (Dublin: Mercier Press, 1981).
- 54.
See especially Simon James, The Atlantic Celts: Ancient People or Modern Invention? (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1999). James answers the question posed in his book’s subtitle by noting that while there may be no “racial” substance to the claim of Celtic heritage on the part of Irish, Scots, and Welsh inhabitants of the British Isles, there is still an “ethnic” basis to a people’s bethinking themselves Celts, because identity in this case is really more a matter of intellectual choice than a consequence of biological descent—in short, it is a socially constructed category rather than a “primordial” (or “essentialist”) one.
- 55.
Kevin Kenny, The American Irish: A History (New York: Longman, 2000), pp. 7–8.
- 56.
James G. Leyburn, The Scotch-Irish: A Social History (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1962), pp. 142–43.
- 57.
Jon Meacham, American Lion: Andrew Jackson in the White House (New York: Random House, 2008); John William Ward, Andrew Jackson: Symbol for an Age (New York: Oxford University Press, 1955).
- 58.
See Walter Russell Mead, Special Providence: American Foreign Policy and How It Changed the World (New York: Knopf, 2001); as well as David Hackett Fischer, Albion’s Seed: Four British Folkways in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989); James Webb, Born Fighting: How the Scots-Irish Shaped America (New York: Crown, 2004); and J. D. Vance, Hillbilly Elegy: A Memoir of a Family and Culture in Crisis (New York: HarperCollins, 2016).
- 59.
This began with the 1980 census, a tally recording a doubling of the Irish-American presence compared with the years of the First World War. See Michael Hout and Joshua R. Goldstein, “How 4.5 Million Irish Immigrants Became 40 Million Irish Americans: Demographic and Subjective Aspects of the Ethnic Composition of White Americans,” American Sociological Review 59 (February 1994): 64–82.
- 60.
Enda Delaney, “The Irish Diaspora,” Irish Economic and Social History 33 (2006): 35–45, quote at pp. 38–39.
- 61.
Brian Inglis, The Story of Ireland (London: Faber and Faber, 1956), p. 27.
- 62.
Terence Brown, Ireland: A Social and Cultural History, 1922–2002 (London: Harper Perennial, 2004), p. 10. Also see Patrick Fitzgerald and Bran Lambkin, Migration in Irish History, 1607–2007 (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), pp. 190–92.
- 63.
Patrick J. Blessing, “Irish Emigration to the United States, 1800–1920: An Overview,” in The Irish in America: Emigration, Assimilation and Impact, ed. P. J. Drudy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), pp. 11–37, quote at p. 31.
- 64.
Quoted in Brown, Ireland, pp. 124–25.
- 65.
Notes one active participant (on the German-American side) during the culture wars, “[i]n most larger undertakings the Teutons were led by their Hibernian allies. The political experience of the Irish gave them the ascendancy over all other racial groups.” George S. Viereck, Spreading Germs of Hate (New York: Horace Liveright, 1930), p. 223.
- 66.
The English invasion of 1169 is typically taken as the starting date of the lengthy period during which Ireland was under the thumb of its neighbor across the Irish Sea, but in actuality it did take a few centuries for English rule to become consolidated on the island, between the middle of the sixteenth until the end of the seventeenth centuries. See Richard English, Irish Freedom: The History of Nationalism in Ireland (London: Macmillan, 2006); and Thomas Bartlett, Ireland: A History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), Chap. 3: “The Making of Protestant Ireland, 1541–1691.”
- 67.
See James S. Donnelly, Jr., “The Construction of the Memory of the Famine in Ireland and the Irish Diaspora, 1850–1900,” Éire-Ireland 31 (Spring-Summer 1996): 26–61. Nor was it only the famine that aggrieved Irish-Americans could lay at the doorstep of the English; for as one scholar notes, “[c]ontemporary records emphasize anger and frustration at the daily lot in Ireland—neighbours, debts, weather, bad luck. Memory, however, prioritizes the sense that cruel England drove them from their home.” R. F. Foster, The Irish Story: Telling Tales and Making It Up in Ireland (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), p. 97.
- 68.
George Potter, To the Golden Door: The Story of the Irish in Ireland and America (Boston: Little, Brown, 1960), p. 3 (emphasis added).
- 69.
Douglas Hyde, who would become the first president of the Irish Republic, observed of his countrymen’s collective psyche that they possessed “a dull, ever-abiding animosity” in respect of England, so much so that they “grieve when she prospers and joy when she is hurt.” Quoted in Jeremy Paxman, The English: Portrait of a People (London: Penguin, 2007), p. 49.
- 70.
American Fenianism had been divided between factions supporting direct action against British interests in Canada, as opposed to direct action against British interests in Ireland itself. On Irish-American kinetic campaigns aimed at Canada, see Peter Vronsky, Ridgeway: The American Fenian Invasion and the 1866 Battle That Made Canada (Toronto: Allen Lane, 2011); Hereward Senior, The Last Invasion of Canada: The Fenian Raids, 1866–1870 (Toronto: Dundurn Press, 1991); Idem, The Fenians and Canada (Toronto: Macmillan, 1978); Charles P. Stacey, “The Fenian Troubles and Canadian Military Development, 1865–1871,” Canadian Defence Quarterly 13 (April 1936): 270–79; and Idem, “Fenianism and the Rise of National Feeling in Canada at the Time of Confederation,” Canadian Historical Review 12 (September 1931): 238–61. For Irish-American support of physical-force operations in Ireland itself, see Leon Ó Broin, Fenian Fever: An Anglo-American Dilemma (New York: New York University Press, 1971); Brian A. Jenkins, The Fenian Problem: Insurgency and Terrorism in a Liberal State, 1858–1874 (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2008); John Newsinger, Fenianism in Mid-Victorian Britain (London: Pluto Press, 1994); Jonathan Gantt, Irish Terrorism in the Atlantic Community, 1865–1922 (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010); and David Sim, A Union Forever: The Irish Question and U.S. Foreign Relations in the Victorian Age (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2013).
- 71.
Niall Whelehan, The Dynamiters: Irish Nationalism and Political Violence in the Wider World, 1867–1900 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012).
- 72.
The district encompassed the city’s 10th, 11th, 13th, and 17th wards, and covered the terrain between 14th St. on the north, 3rd Ave. and the Bowery on the west, Division St. on the south, and the East River. See Stanley Nadel, Little Germany: Ethnicity, Religion, and Class in New York City, 1845–80 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1990).
- 73.
Quoted in Goyens, Beer and Revolution, p. 21.
- 74.
See Rudolf Rocker, Johann Most, das Leben eines Rebellen (Berlin: Verlag Syndikalist, 1924); and Frederic Trautmann, The Voice of Terror: A Biography of Johann Most (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1980).
- 75.
Johann Most, Revolutionäre Kriegswissenschaft: Eine Handbüchlein zur Anleitung betreffend Gebrauches und Herstellung von Nitro-Glycerin, Dynamit, Schiessbaumwolle, Knallquecksilber, Bomben, Brandsätzen, Giften usw., usw. (New York: Internationaler Zeitung-Verein, 1885). The title’s English translation is “The Science of Revolutionary Warfare: A Little Handbook of Instruction in the Use and Preparation of Nitroglycerine, Dynamite, Gun-Cotton, Fulminating Mercury, Bombs, Fuses, Poisons, Etc., Etc.”
- 76.
Whelehan, The Dynamiters, p. 160. Also see Kenneth R. M. Short, The Dynamite War: Irish American Bombers in Victorian Britain (Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Humanities Press, 1979).
- 77.
See T. W. Moody, Davitt and the Irish Revolution, 1846–82 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1981); and Anne Kane, “Narratives of Nationalism: Constructing Irish National Identity during the Land War, 1879–82,” National Identities 2 (November 2000): 245–64.
- 78.
Stephen Lucius Gwynn, Dublin Old and New (Dublin: Browne and Nolan, [1937]), p. 105.
- 79.
See David A. Wilson, United Irishmen, United States: Immigrant Radicals in the Early Republic (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 1998). Many of the United Irishmen, including their leader, Wolfe Tone, were Protestants.
- 80.
Quoted in Christy Campbell, Fenian Fire: The British Government Plot to Assassinate Queen Victoria (London: HarperCollins, 2002), p. 7. Also see J. Bowyer Bell, “The Transcendental Irish Republic: The Dream of Diaspora,” in Governments-in-Exile in Contemporary World Politics, ed. Yossi Shain (New York: Routledge, 1991), pp. 202–18.
- 81.
See Trevor Rubenzer, “Ethnic Minority Interest Group Attributes and U.S. Foreign Policy Influence: A Qualitative Comparative Analysis,” Foreign Policy Analysis 4 (April 2008): 169–185.
- 82.
Philip H. Bagenal, The American Irish and their Influence on Irish Politics (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, 1882), pp. 151, 244–45.
- 83.
Ibid., pp. 61–62. For an updated version, mutatis mutandis, of this theme, see Mark R. Levy and Michael S. Kramer. The Ethnic Factor: How America’s Minorities Decide Elections (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1972).
- 84.
Quoted in Alan J. Ward, “America and the Irish Problem, 1899–1921,” Irish Historical Studies 16 (March 1968): 64–90, quote at pp. 73–74.
- 85.
See David G. Haglund and Tyson McNeil-Hay, “The ‘Germany Lobby’ and U.S. Foreign Policy: What, if Anything, Does It Tell Us about the Debate over the ‘Israel Lobby’?” Ethnopolitics 10 (September–November 2011): 321–44.
- 86.
Quoted in Stephen Hartley, The Irish Question as a Problem in British Foreign Policy, 1914–18 (London: Macmillan, 1987), pp. 3–4 (emphasis added).
- 87.
See Michael F. Funchion, ed., Irish-American Voluntary Organizations (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1983); and John O’Dea, History of the Ancient Order of Hibernians and Ladies Auxiliary (Philadelphia: Keystone, 1923).
- 88.
Quoted in Don Heinrich Tolzmann, ed., German Achievements in America: Rudolf Cronau’s Survey History (Bowie, MD: Heritage Books, 1995), pp. 218–19. This is a reprint, with an editorial preface, of Rudolf Cronau’s German Achievements in America: A Tribute to the Memory of the Men and Women Who Worked, Fought and Died for the Welfare of this Country; and a Recognition of the Living Who with Equal Enterprise, Genius and Patriotism Helped in the Making of the United States (New York: Rudolf Cronau, 1916).
- 89.
More than any other ethnic diaspora in the United States during the nineteenth century, the German-American had been a fractured one on confessional grounds. In the judgment of one scholar, “[n]o other European people had been so divided historically between Catholic and Protestants… Suspicion, envy, persecution, and hatred of Germans for Germans was standard… [N]one was so deeply divided along religious lines as the German.” Frederick C. Luebke, Bonds of Loyalty: German-Americans and World War I (De Kalb, ILL: Northern Illinois University Press, 1974), p. 34.
- 90.
Quoted in Dean R. Esslinger, “American German and Irish Attitudes toward Neutrality, 1914–1917: A Study of Catholic Minorities,” Catholic Historical Review 53 (July 1967): 194–216, quote at p. 203. Also see Edward Cuddy, “Pro-Germanism and American Catholicism, 1914–1917,” Catholic Historical Review 54 (October 1968): 427–54.
- 91.
Luebke, Bonds of Loyalty, pp. 45–47. Also see Carl F. Wittke, The German Language Press in America (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1957).
- 92.
Charles Thomas Johnson, Culture at Twilight: The National German-American Alliance, 1901–1918 (New York: Peter Lang, 1999). For attempts to portray the NGAA as the Kaiser’s minion, see Frederic William Wile, The German-American Plot (London: Pearson, 1915); and William H. Skaggs, German Conspiracies in America (London: T. Fisher Unwin, 1915).
- 93.
For a comprehensive review of the collaborative initiatives hatched by leaders of the two diasporas, see Doerries, Iren und Deutsche in der Neuen Welt.
- 94.
See Pierre Ranger, La France vue d’Irlande: L’histoire du mythe français de Parnell à l’État Libre (Rennes: Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 2011).
- 95.
See David Murphy, The Irish Brigades, 1685–2006: A Gazetteer of Irish Military Service, Past and Present (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2007).
- 96.
James K. McGuire, The King, the Kaiser and Irish Freedom (New York: Devin-Adair, 1915), p. 23 (emphasis added). McGuire served three terms as mayor of Syracuse, winning his first at the age of 26 in the mid-1890s. See Joseph E. Fahey, James K. McGuire: Boy Mayor and Irish Nationalist (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 2014).
- 97.
McGuire, King, Kaiser, and Irish Freedom, pp. 256, 285 (emphasis in original).
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Haglund, D.G. (2019). The German- and Irish-American Challengers to Hawthornian Identity. In: The US "Culture Wars" and the Anglo-American Special Relationship. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-18549-7_5
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-18549-7_5
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