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‘Waste-howling wilderness’: The Maloti-Drakensberg as Unruly Landscape

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Outlaws, Anxiety, and Disorder in Southern Africa

Part of the book series: Cambridge Imperial and Post-Colonial Studies Series ((CIPCSS))

Abstract

King uses archaeological and historical evidence to examine how the Maloti-Drakensberg Mountains became imagined as a dangerous, primitive place in the nineteenth century. Detailing the unique history of human occupation in these mountains over the last two millennia, this chapter demonstrates how places that felt ‘wild’ could fuel impressions of disorder among those people responsible for taming African landscapes. King also draws attention to how the Maloti-Drakensberg join a global history of places whose wild-ness attracted people wanting to live outside of government control, including outlaws. Through a study of the ‘Bushman raiding’ campaigns of 1845–1872, this chapter introduces a crucial tension between appearance and reality: not only were the mountains less primitive than they appeared to some, but one person’s dangerous wilderness could be another’s strategic hub.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Wesleyan Methodist Missionary Society, Council for World Mission Archives, London, W. Shepstone to Secretaries General of the Wesleyan Missionary Society, 16 July 1840. South Africa Correspondence Bechuana 1874–1867, Fiche Box Number 20.

  2. 2.

    Material culture studies have drawn particularly upon Thrift’s work to push past the phenomenological turn of the last few decades, using Thrift’s interpretation of Giles Deleuze’s writing to demonstrate where affect can be located outside of the human body and in the wider world—creating a sphere in which human and non-human actors are both networked together and materialised. A result of this theoretical turn is that emotion and affect become material concerns, and thus archaeological concerns, as this book argues in keeping with, for example, Harris and Sørenson (2010) and Tarlow (2012).

  3. 3.

    As described in Chap. 1, these comprise the Maloti Mountains in modern-day Lesotho and the uKhahlamba-Drakensberg Mountains spanning aspects of South Africa’s KwaZulu-Natal and Eastern Cape Provinces, separated by the uKhahlamba-Drakensberg Escarpment.

  4. 4.

    Morija Museum and Archives, Lesotho (henceforth, MMA), Transcript of pitso held 27–29 September 1909, Leselinyana la Lesotho 2 October 1909, trans. S. Gill and T. Pitso.

  5. 5.

    Suggestions that mountains create a social and physical space from which particular moral economies may emerge also features in Spear (1997).

  6. 6.

    Macfarlane notes that seventeenth-century writers often described mountains as ‘deserts’: the two were both aesthetically repellent and equally unable to foster the sort of fecundity that contemporary Westerners associated with attractiveness and civilisation.

  7. 7.

    Although a different, coarser style of pottery found a few centuries earlier has led some archaeologists to propose that hunter-gatherers themselves may have learned to produce ceramics, see Hobart (2004).

  8. 8.

    For perspectives on early metallurgy from contemporary neighbouring lowland sites, see Whitelaw (1991) and Miller and Whitelaw (1994). For reports of unworked iron at montane sites within the last 500 years—which suggest some spatial relationships between smiths and foragers—see Mazel (1986).

  9. 9.

    For southern African trade connections to the Indian Ocean, see for example Mitchell (2005, chapter 4) and Robertshaw et al. (2010).

  10. 10.

    For recent revisions to the wild/domestic faunal assemblages at one highland site, see Horsburgh, et al. (2016).

  11. 11.

    With the exception of one site (Strathalan A) the impression is that these domesticates arrived through opportunistic acquisition rather than a sustained programme of cultivation.

  12. 12.

    Making the highlands better-suited to sustainable subsistence and even commercialised farming has been a major focus of modern development interventions, as chronicled most famously in James Ferguson’s (1990) The Anti-Politics Machine.

  13. 13.

    Efforts to overcome the ‘wild’ and ‘domesticate’ binary are visible in both anthropological literature on the ‘New Animisms’ and human-animal subjectivities, and also in work by Ingold and Kristen Armstrong Oma. For the former, see for example Bird-David (1999) and Descola (2013). For the latter and the debate over ‘trust’ and ‘domination’ as an alternative framework, compare Ingold (2000), 61–76 and Oma (2007).

  14. 14.

    The entanglement of ‘Bushman’ as a representational category with notions of criminality has a long history in southern Africa, stretching as far back as sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Dutch encounters with hunter-gatherer-pastoralists at the Cape, and referencing a range of physical, locative, linguistic, and material features. This is discussed in greater detail in Chap. 5 and mentioned briefly in Chap. 1, and see also Wright (1996) and Skotnes (1996).

  15. 15.

    It was absorbed into the Cape Colony in 1844 and separated again in 1856.

  16. 16.

    For internal African and colonial politics within what was at varying times, be Natalia and Natal, see, among others, Duminy and Guest (1989), Lambert (1995), Hamilton (1998), McClendon (2010), Guy (2013) and Kelly (2018).

  17. 17.

    Natal Mercury, 23 August 1850

  18. 18.

    Natal Witness, 19 October 1860.

  19. 19.

    KwaZulu-Natal Archives (henceforth, KZNA), Secretary for Native Affairs (henceforth, SNA) 1/3/19, p. 258, October 1868.

  20. 20.

    For a full description of this raid and the extensive counter-measures organised against it, see KZNA, SNA 1/3/19, pp. 200–254, 1869.

  21. 21.

    For example KZNA, Fynn Papers, No. 100, 13 October 1851, 1 October 1852.

  22. 22.

    R.S. Webb’s Gazeteer for Basutoland (1950) was compiled and published by Captain R.S. Webb, with some editions featuring hand-written entries and annotations by Webb himself. I am grateful to Peter Sanders for allowing me to consult one of these in producing this book. The relevant pages here are 67 and 282.

  23. 23.

    KZNA, SNA 1/3/19, p. 255, 19 October 1869.

  24. 24.

    KZNA, Colonial Secretary’s Office (henceforth, CSO), 49(1), No. 73, 28 March 1849.

  25. 25.

    KZNA, CSO, 28(2), No. 71, 18 August 1852.

  26. 26.

    For example KZNA, J. Shepstone Papers, ‘Reminiscences of the Past’, pp. 63–65.

  27. 27.

    This becomes an especially intriguing suggestion if one follows Challis’ discussions of cultural creolisation and resistance among ‘Bushman’ raiding groups; see Challis (2016, 2019).

  28. 28.

    Natal Witness, 22 December 1848.

  29. 29.

    Natal Witness 1869.

  30. 30.

    MMA, Transcript of pitso held 27–29 September 1909, Leselinyana la Lesotho 2 October 1909.

  31. 31.

    Cape Archives (henceforth, CA), A.6-‘79, Joseph Millerd Orpen’s evidence given 15 July 1879, in ‘Minutes of Evidence: Committee on Basutoland Hostilities’, Cape Parliamentary Papers.

  32. 32.

    CA, A.6-‘79, James Ayliff’s evidence given 17 July 1879, in ‘Minutes of Evidence: Committee on Basutoland Hostilities’, Cape Parliamentary Papers.

  33. 33.

    Indeed, major phases of road-building are linked to the emergence of extractive industries in Lesotho, especially diamond mining and dam-building in the north, and the construction of the Southern Perimeter Road in the 1980s. See Chap. 7 and Parkington and Poggenpoel (1982/1983) and Mitchell et al. (1994).

  34. 34.

    Ben Smith’s (2010) familiar use of ‘insider/outsider’ in describing this context refers to emic versus etic perceptions of experience available through rock art, whereas my use of ‘outsider’ here is more about being within or without the mountains as a particular sort of sensuous space.

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King, R. (2019). ‘Waste-howling wilderness’: The Maloti-Drakensberg as Unruly Landscape. In: Outlaws, Anxiety, and Disorder in Southern Africa. Cambridge Imperial and Post-Colonial Studies Series. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-18412-4_2

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