Abstract
The ‘Tianwen zhi’ 天文志 (Heavenly Patterns Treatise) is a repetitive and fractured genre. Much of the contents from one treatise to another are the same, and the treatise’s typical division into a history, a star catalogue and an annals of observed phenomena make it difficult to read as a whole. To approach the question of Li Chunfeng’s 李淳風 (602–670) hand in shaping the Sui shu 隋書 ‘Tianwen zhi’, this study avails itself to collation. Isolating what contents Li’s Sui shu treatise shares word for word with the Jin shu 晉書, Song shu 宋書 and Han shu 漢書, I focus on the handful of passages that Li Chunfeng has added, excised and rearranged on the basis of his sources. In doing so, several patterns emerge, the most notable among them being that Li has taken Shen Yue’s 沈約 (441–513) regressivist history of ‘heaven’s form’ (tianti 天體) cosmology in the Song shu and rearranged it, without acknowledgement, into a progressivist argument against its author. This and other evidence of Li Chunfeng’s editorial hand serves as a reminder of how what we often treat as a reference work should be read more carefully as a piece of historiographical argumentation.
Résumé
Le « Tianwen zhi » 天文志 (traité sur les Signes célestes) est un genre répétitif et fracturé. La plupart du contenu d’un traité à l’autre est le même, et la structure qu’ils présentent (historique, catalogue d’étoiles, annales d’observations de phénomènes célestes) les rendent difficiles à lire de manière globale. Afin de comprendre le rôle de Li Chunfeng 李淳風 (602–670) dans la rédaction du « Tianwen zhi » du Sui shu 隋書, la présente étude recourt à la collation. En isolant les passages du traité du Sui shu que l’on retrouve mot pour mot dans ceux du Jin shu 晉書, du Song shu 宋書 et du Han shu 漢書, je mets l’accent sur ce que Li Chunfeng a ajouté, enlevé et réarrangé par rapport à ses sources. Ce faisant, on constate quelques tendances dans son œuvre. La plus notable d’entre elles est le fait que Li Chunfeng a repris du Song shu de Shen Yue 沈約 (441–513) son histoire pessimiste de la régression de la cosmologie de la « forme du Ciel » (tianti 天體) depuis le temps des Sages, et l’a réarrangée, sans le dire, en un discours sur le progrès humain dirigé contre son auteur. Cet indice, ainsi que d’autres éléments du travail éditorial de Li Chunfeng, doivent nous rappeler que ce que nous voyons souvent comme un simple ouvrage de référence devrait être lu comme l’une des pièces d’un débat historiographique.
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Notes
- 1.
As per pre-1980s sinological usages, I use ‘cosmology’ as a stand-in for the actor’s categories tianti 天體 ‘heaven’s form’ and tianlun 天論 ‘discourses on heaven’, referring to the study of the size, shape, disposition, movements, mechanics, metaphysics and optics of heaven, earth and the world ocean.
- 2.
- 3.
- 4.
- 5.
- 6.
- 7.
Huang (2004: 1–71); see also the studies listed in Note 6.
- 8.
- 9.
譙周接繼其下者, Hou Han shu, zhi 10, 3215 (commentary); cf. Mansvelt Beck (1990: 111–30).
- 10.
其八表及天文志未及竟而卒…踵而成之…續繼昭成之…時漢書始出,多未能通者, Hou Han shu, 84.2784–2785; cf. Swann (1968: 66–67).
- 11.
On the authorship of the Sui shu and Jin shu ‘Tianwen zhi’, see Chap. 2, this volume.
- 12.
- 13.
Sui shu, 19.512.
- 14.
自後史官, 更無紀錄, Sui shu, 19.505. Shiguan 史官 can also be read as ‘the [Grand] Clerk’s Office’, typically styled ‘the Astronomical Bureau’, but Li Chunfeng would appear to be referring to standard history ‘historians’ in this case. On the Clerk’s Office, see Note 88.
- 15.
Song shu, 11.205–206.
- 16.
For bibliographic records of Xu Yuan’s Song shu, see Sui shu, 33.955, and Jiu Tang shu, 46.1989. He Chengtian’s treatise therein is also cited in 729 CE in Kaiyuan zhanjing, 1.28b–29a.
- 17.
For more on these and the other cosmologies mentioned in this section, see the works cited in Note 2.
- 18.
以此而推, 則西漢長安已有其器矣, Song shu, 23.678.
- 19.
好異者之所作也…皆好異之談, 失之遠矣, Song shu, 23. 679–680.
- 20.
皆好奇徇異之說, 非極數談天者也, Jin shu, 11.280; Sui shu, 19.508.
- 21.
Jin shu, 11.278; Sui shu, 19.505.
- 22.
The argument here about Li Chunfeng’s appropriation, reorganisation and refutation of Shen Yue’s history of cosmology and its motivation lying partly in their conflicting historical visions concerning ‘progress’ is developed out of Morgan (2017: 188–202).
- 23.
- 24.
Sui shu, 19.505.
- 25.
Jiu Tang shu, 79.2719.
- 26.
落下閎營之, 鮮于妄人度之, 耿中丞象之, Yangzi fayan, 10.1b; cf. Cullen (1996: 61).
- 27.
黄門作渾天老工, Xin lun, cited in Taiping yulan, 2.18b.
- 28.
See Sun and Kistemaker (1997).
- 29.
- 30.
Jin shu, 11.284. Note that Li Chunfeng singles out Zheng Xuan for criticism on the same point in Sui shu, 19.516.
- 31.
Citing Shangshu zhushu, 3.35b.
- 32.
Jiu Tang shu, 79.2717–2718.
- 33.
- 34.
Song shu, 23.673; Jin shu, 11.278; Sui shu, 19.505, passim; tr. modified from Ho (1966: 49).
- 35.
- 36.
Song shu, 23.673; Jin shu, 11.278; tr. modified from Ho (1966: 49).
- 37.
Song shu, 23.673.
- 38.
Hou Han shu, 60B.1998–1999.
- 39.
邕能著文… 洪能為筭, Hou Han shu, zhi 3, 3082.
- 40.
The ‘Grand Clerk yellow-path bronze sight’ 太史黃道銅儀 commissioned for the Luoyang 洛陽 observatory in 103 is described in Hou Han shu, zhi 2, 3028–3030.
- 41.
Zhang Heng is famously attributed with a water-driven armillary sphere installed next to the ‘bronze sight’ at the Luoyang observatory as well as with the authorship of the Lingxian 靈憲 and Huntian yi 渾天儀, which, still extant, have become the single two most classic treatises on the topic of sphere heaven cosmology and instrumentation. On Zhang Heng and his contributions to spherism more generally, see Chen Jiujin (1980), Xu (1999) and Lien (2011). On the Lingxian, see Hashimoto (1980). On the Huntian yi, see Arai (1989), Cullen (2000) and Lien (2012).
- 42.
For Cai Yong’s reception of the Lunheng, see Baopuzi 抱樸子, cited in Yiwen leiju, 55.8b, and Yuan Shansong shu 袁山松書, cited in Hou Han shu, 49.1629 (commentary).
- 43.
On jia and their historical construction, see Csikszentmihalyi and Nylan (2003).
- 44.
Song shu, 23.679.
- 45.
天平正, 與地無異…日西轉不復見者非入, Lunheng jiaoshi, 11.490–492.
- 46.
全同周髀之文, Sui shu, 19.507.
- 47.
清浮之氣, cited in Kaiyuan zhanjing, 1.33b.
- 48.
蓋立新意, 以排渾天之論而已, Sui shu, 19.507.
- 49.
See Sui shu, 19.507; Jin shu, 11.279; cf. Ho (1966: 52).
- 50.
凡此八家, 渾天最親, Yisi zhan, 1.1b.
- 51.
Sui shu, 19.521.
- 52.
- 53.
- 54.
Zhoubi suanjing, A2.7a–b; tr. Cullen (1996: 178).
- 55.
- 56.
- 57.
莫有更為渾象者矣, Sui shu, 19.520.
- 58.
Sui shu, 19.521–522.
- 59.
一水工并解算術士, Sui shu, 19.522.
- 60.
For the upper limit, Li compares a measurement in 442 CE by a Liu-Song emissary in Jiaozhou to He Chengtian’s measurements at Yangcheng 陽城, from which he derives the rate 600 li per cun. For the lower limit, he compares measurements made in the Liang capital of Jiankang 建康 between 535 and 546 to one performed at the Northern Wei 北魏 (386–535) capital of Luoyang 洛陽 in 508, from which he derives the rate 250 li per cun.
- 61.
千里之言, 未足依也, Sui shu, 19.526. For more on the history of such surveys, see Beer et al. (1961).
- 62.
Sui shu, 19.516. Specifically, Song shi, 48.951, cites Ma Rong as saying, ‘The form of heaven above cannot be known; as to matters of measuring heaven that appear in the classics, there is only the matter of the yuheng. The yuheng is none other than the [armillary] Sphere instrument of our day’ 上天之體不可得知, 測天之事見於經者, 惟有璣衡一事。璣衡者, 即今之渾儀也. One notes that Ma Rong was not unaware of the Han shu, since he ‘received its reading from [its author, Ban] Zhao’ 從昭受讀 in the Eastern Observatory (Dongguan 東觀) circa 110, and he and his elder brother Xu hand a hand in its final version; see Hou Han shu, 84.2784–2785; cf. Note 10.
- 63.
For Sima Qian and Ban Gu’s—actually Ban Zhao’s—identification of the xuanji yuheng with the Northern Dipper, see Shiji 27.1291 and Han shu 26.1274. One notes that the Hou Han shu and Wei shu ‘Tianwen zhi’ are silent on the issue, leaving He Chengtian and Shen Yue’s treatises the only plausible butt of Li Chunfeng’s criticism.
- 64.
得衡舊器, 儀狀雖舉, 不綴經星七曜, Song shu, 23.678.
- 65.
檢其鑴題, 是偽劉曜光初六年, 史官丞南陽孔挺所造, Sui shu, 19.518.
- 66.
Sui shu, 19.518. For more on this episode, see Morgan (2016a). Note that Li Chunfeng may not have actually seen said instrument, his knowledge of its inscription having been derived potentially from Emperor Wu of Liang’s Zhonglü wei 鐘律緯, as cited in Sui shu, 16.408.
- 67.
Sui shu, 19.537.
- 68.
Absent from the Sui shu are ‘Shier ci dushu’ 十二次度數 (Du-numbers for the 12 Jovian Stations), ‘Zhou-jun chanci’ 州郡躔次 (States and Provinces of the Step-Stations) and ‘Za xing qi’ 雜星氣 (Misc. Stars and Qi) in 1258 graphs. Absent from the Jin shu are ‘Tian zhan’ 天占 (Heaven Omens), ‘Xing za bian’ 星雜變 (Misc. Stellar Incidents) and ‘Za yao’ 雜妖 (Misc. Freaks) in 1976 graphs.
- 69.
Note that these numbers exclude typical orthographic variora like 疎/疏, 禀/稟, 厨/廚 or 敍/敘. Note also that there are a handful of lines and paragraphs that are rearranged within the text of the two treatises that I count as overlap.
- 70.
See the preface to Lingtai miyuan in Siku quanshu zongmu tiyao, 21.15–16.
- 71.
Sui shu, 19.505. The tone of Li Chunfeng’s preface to the Jin shu ‘Heavenly Patterns Treatise’ is more reserved: after enumerating previous entries in the genre, he informs us that ‘Here I shall detail the multitude of sayings (shuo) and write them into the current piece’ 今詳眾說, 以著于篇 (Jin shu, 11.278).
- 72.
Yisi zhan, 1.10b–11a; cf. Harper (2010: 74).
- 73.
In order: (1) Huangdi 黄帝; (2) Wuxian 巫咸; (3) Shi-shi 石氏; (4) Gan-shi 甘氏; (5) Liu Xiang 劉向 (79–8 BCE), Hongfan wuxing dazhuan 洪範五行大傳; (6) Wu jing-wei tu 五經緯圖; (7) Tianjing zhan 天鏡占; (8) Baihutong zhan 白虎通占; (9) Haizhong zhan 海中占; (10) Jing Fang 京房 (77–37 BCE), Yi yao zhan 易祅占; (11) Yi zhuan duiyi zhan 易傳對異占; (12) Chen Zhuo zhan 陳卓占 (third century); (13) Xi Meng zhan 郄萌占 (first century?); (14) Han Yang zhan 韓楊占 (third century?); (15) Zu Geng, Tianwen lu zhan 天文錄占; (16) Sun Senghua 孙僧化 (d. 538/539), Daxiang ji zhan 大象集占; (17) Liu Biao 劉表 (142–208), Jingzhou zhan 荆州占; (18) Lie xiu zhan 列宿占; (19) Wu guan zhan 五官占; (20) Yi wei 易緯; (21) Chunqiu zuozhuqi zhan 春秋佐助期占; (22) Shangshu wei 尚書緯; (23) Shi wei 詩緯; (24) Li wei 禮緯; and (25) Zhang Heng, Lingxian. Note that the 1932 manuscript copy of Li Feng’s 李鳳 Tianwen yaolu 天文要錄 (664) held in the Naikaku bunko 內閣文庫 begins with a similar bibliography (reproduced in Zhongguo kexue jishu dianji tonghui: tianwen juan, vol. 4, 1.9b–11a).
- 74.
On linear measures in observational records, see Wang (2008).
- 75.
Sui shu, 20.569–570.
- 76.
Kaiyuan zhanjing, 86.11b.
- 77.
Kaiyuan zhanjing, 86.11b–12a.
- 78.
Kaiyuan zhanjing, 77.4a.
- 79.
Kaiyuan zhanjing, 86.12a.
- 80.
Kaiyuan zhanjing, 86.12a.
- 81.
漢初測候, 乃知五星皆有逆行, Sui shu, 20.561.
- 82.
On the fate of early omenological planetary models under the scrutiny of later li experts, including Li Chunfeng, see Morgan (2016b).
- 83.
There is a problem with this one date according to Zhang (1997), which has month iii of this year begin on day guiwei.20 (16 April), placing day dingmao.04 in either month ii (31 March) or month iv (30 May), of which the order of observations here would favour the former.
- 84.
On descriptions of celestial objects being ‘as large as x’, see Wang (2008: 8–9, 103–105).
- 85.
Note that Venus passed within less than half a degree of β Vir on the following day, jiashen.31 or 14 October 565.
- 86.
Sui shu, 21.598.
- 87.
In the above block quote, for example, I identify fourteen phenomena, six omen-interpretations and three correspondent events. In my accounting, ‘an omen-interpretation’ is one or more zhan statements following a single phenomenon, and I count a single correspondent event as attached to the preceding phenomena as well as any phenomena bearing a zhan statement relevant to the situation. For example: item ⑤ counts as uninterpreted; item ④ counts as one ‘omen-interpretation’, i.e. one interpreted phenomena; and the dethronement of Shaodi and death of the empress dowager count as a single event corresponding to the phenomena ①②③④.
- 88.
- 89.
Namely, shiji 史記 ‘Clerk’s records’, shiguan houzhu 史官候注 ‘shiguan observation notes’, xingshi houzhu 行事候注 ‘observation notes of past events’, zhuji 注記 ‘note records’, jishu 記注 ‘annotated records’ and, simply, zhu 注 ‘notes’; see Hou Han shu, zhi 2, 3027, 3029, 3030, 3034, 3039, 3041, 3042; Song shu, 12.290, 13.309, 311, 312, 315; Jin shu, 17.498, 18.564; Sui shu, 18.460.
- 90.
Predicting phenomena like ‘trespassing’, ‘concealing’ and ‘holding’ requires both a degree of accuracy and a mastery of planetary latitude and retrogradation the seventh-century expert lacked. With that in mind, it is significant that astronomical software like Alcyone Ephemeris 3.2 is able to confirm that, for example, all the luminary phenomena reported in the previously quoted paragraph for 565 (nos 1, 3–5, 7–14) occurred as described. For studies dealing with broader samples, see Wu and Liu (1985), Stephenson (1997: 213–333), Steele (2000: 161–215), Zhuang (2009: 375–406).
- 91.
On the importance of planetary omens, see also Pankenier (2013).
- 92.
當有王者興, Sui shu, 21.600. According to Alcyone Ephemeris 3.2, on 26 October 531, the planets were quite distant from one another—Venus at 261° longitude, Mars at 157°, Jupiter at 112° and Saturn at 96°—and Orion (α Ori being at 68°).
- 93.
E.g. those treated in Note 90.
- 94.
On the inclusion of predicted but unobserved/unobservable eclipses in treatise annals, see Foley (1989). The Sui shu, for example, records eclipses for (1) 4 January 512, (2) 20 June 559, (3) 25 October 561, (4) 9 April 563, (5) 28 February 564, (6) 23 August 564, (7) 12 August 565, (8) 6 February 566, (9) 26 January 567 and (10) 17 December 567 that correspond to historical eclipses that would not have been visible in East Asia according to Espenak and Meeus (2007). Note that the eclipse discussed in the next sentence is not included in the ratio 6:10. Also excluded for consideration are seven cases of the sun and moon shi ‘eating’ other objects (see Table 6.4).
- 95.
See those sources listed in Notes 6 and 7.
- 96.
This same issue is taken up as concerns the terrestrial omens of the ‘Wuxing zhi’ 五行志 in Chap. 7, this volume.
- 97.
Wei shu, 105A.2333.
- 98.
Song shu, 23.689.
- 99.
Sui shu, 21.604.
- 100.
The reason that Xiao Zixian cites for the omenological bareness of the Nan Qi shu’s annals is that ‘Emperor Ming (r. 494–498) did not desire to have heavenly incidents leak to the outside, so he made them all secret and they did not emerge’ 明帝不欲使天變外傳, 竝祕而不出 (Nan Qi shu, 12.205). Other compilers, however, do not cite this reason, and the number of omen-interpretations in such annals begins to fall off rapidly in the Tang and later.
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Acknowledgements
The research leading to these results has received funding from the European Research Council under the European Union’s Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007–2013)/ERC Grant agreement No. 269804. I thank Alexis Lycas for his careful and timely rereading of my original draft.
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Morgan, D.P. (2019). Heavenly Patterns. In: Morgan, D., Chaussende, D. (eds) Monographs in Tang Official Historiography. Why the Sciences of the Ancient World Matter, vol 3. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-18038-6_6
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