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Intertextuality, Customs and Regionalism in the ‘Geographical Treatise’

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Monographs in Tang Official Historiography

Part of the book series: Why the Sciences of the Ancient World Matter ((WSAWM,volume 3))

Abstract

After an introductory overview of the treatises on geography and their content in official histories prior to the seventh century, my analysis will focus on the general introduction of the Sui shu ‘Geographical Treatise’ in order to understand the historical information given behind the geographical description of the empire. Basing further comments on readings from the concluding remarks and judgments of the ‘Treatise’ together with a close study of the middle Yangtze region, its customs and its integrating process in the empire, I will attempt to discuss how history can be written through the representation of space (here, the administrative and cultural structure of the empire).

Résumé

Le chapitre s’ouvre par un panorama et une brève analyse des traités géographiques composés avant le viie siècle. Ensuite, une étude de l’introduction du traité géographique du Sui shu permet de mesurer l’importance des informations historiques contenues dans les descriptions géographiques de l’Empire. Enfin, à la lumière des notes conclusives et des jugements de l’historien ponctuant chaque aperçu des neuf provinces de l’empire, le chapitre envisage une histoire spatiale de l’empire au travers des questions relatives aux coutumes régionales et à l’intégration dans l’empire de populations locales, tout en se concentrant géographiquement autour des provinces méridionales.

L’ensemble de ces notes nous présente une image approximative de la Chine telle qu’elle était au début du viie siècle, étirant voluptueusement ses membres libérés des chaînes de la partition médiévale.

—Étienne Balazs, ‘Le Traité économique du Souei-chou’.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Covering the events of the earlier Jin 晉 dynasty (265–420), the Jin shu ‘Dili zhi’ was compiled by Fang Xuanling 房玄齡 (578–648) et al. around the same time as the Sui shu treatise, in 646–648. Due to the scope of the present volume, however, I am unfortunately only able to treat the Jin shu treatise in passing. On the compilation of the Jin shu and Sui shu treatises, see Chap. 2, this volume; on the Sui shu ‘Dili zhi’ specifically, see Yang (1996), Shi (1998) and Felt (2014).

  2. 2.

    See des Rotours (1932: 150).

  3. 3.

    Unfortunately, the only maps to have come down to us from prior to the Song 宋 (906–1279) are those excavated from Fangmatan Tomb 1 (third century BCE) and Mawangdui Tomb 3 (second century BCE), on which see Tan (1975), Yee (1994: 37–46) and Venture (2014).

  4. 4.

    For modern studies on the topographical issues raised in the standard history geographical treatises, see the Zhengshi dili zhi huishi congkan 正史地理志匯釋叢刊 series, edited by Tan Qixiang; on the geographical treatises themselves, see Dorofeeva-Lichtmann (2001).

  5. 5.

    For a recent and convincing attempt at reconstructing the context and discourses surrounding map making and reading in Tang China, see Feng (2018).

  6. 6.

    Mathieu (1982: 130–144).

  7. 7.

    Sui shu, 33.982–987. These numbers aside, note that more ‘geographical’ texts can be found in other subsections of the Sui shu ‘Jingji zhi’. For a partial overview of the fragmentary geographical texts compiled up until the Tang, see Han Tang dili shuchao and Liu (1997). On the use of the Sui shu ‘Jingji zhi’, see Felt (2014: 56–59).

  8. 8.

    Chittick (2003: 37). Chittick translates tujing as ‘Map-classics’, but I find this translation problematic: these texts were not ‘classics’, and we are not sure whether they contained maps or not.

  9. 9.

    On the principal functions of the Grand Clerk, the director of the state astronomical office, see the chapters in Part I of the present volume.

  10. 10.

    Note that the name Zhu Gong appears earlier in Han shu, 28b.1639–1640, written Zhu Gong 硃贛, but clearly referring to the same person (see also the translation in Sect. 10.5 below), I choose here to render Zhu Gong 贛 in lieu of Gong 貢.

  11. 11.

    By ‘choronym’, I mean spatial unit names of a larger scope than mere cities: regions, provinces, countries, etc.

  12. 12.

    Sui shu, 33.987–988.

  13. 13.

    On tianwen ‘heavenly patterns’, see Chap. 6, this volume. On the translation of ‘heavenly patterns’ onto human geography and city planning, among other things, see Pankenier (1999, 2005, 2013).

  14. 14.

    Mansvelt Beck (1990: 37).

  15. 15.

    Jiu Tang shu, 38.1393.

  16. 16.

    On the exploitation of similar texts for geographical data in Early Medieval Europe, see Gautier Dalché (1990: 9).

  17. 17.

    See Maspero (1927) and Shaughnessy (1989).

  18. 18.

    Before Greece emerged as a global empire under Alexander (356–323 BCE), for example, the geographical representation of space was not essential: in the previous system of city-states, a geography that would venture outside the immediate borders of each polis was considered superfluous, with the notable exception of maritime trade, an activity that required precise information and coordinates. A similar analysis can be given for the Roman Empire; see Nicolet and Gautier Dalché (1986: 158).

  19. 19.

    The historical information of the Han shu ‘Shihuo zhi’ 食貨志 (Treatise on Food and Money) is similarly strong, and, like many of Ban Gu’s treatises, it has played an archetypal role for quite a few subsequent Standard Histories; see Swann (1950) and Chap. 8, this volume.

  20. 20.

    On the content of the Han shu ‘Dili zhi’, see Zhou (2006).

  21. 21.

    Han shu, 28a.1539.

  22. 22.

    Swann (1950: 71).

  23. 23.

    Han shu, 28a.1542–1543.

  24. 24.

    Mansvelt Beck (1990: 176).

  25. 25.

    Han shu, 28b.1640. Note that the unreliability of such measurements and the fact that Chinese measures have varied over time make it difficult to come up with a rough estimate of the dimensions of the Han Empire in modern units. On metrology, see Chap. 3, this volume.

  26. 26.

    See Bielenstein (1947).

  27. 27.

    Hou Han shu, 109.3389.

  28. 28.

    These are the Shiji, Han shu, and the Dongguan Hanji 東觀漢記, the latter of which was lost and replaced by the Hou Han shu under the Tang.

  29. 29.

    Hou Han shu, 109.3385.

  30. 30.

    See Mansvelt Beck (1990: 180–181, 194).

  31. 31.

    This may be a jab at He Chengtian, mentioned below among Shen Yue’s predecessors, who was ‘an expert of li mathematical astronomy’; see Chen (2003: 261–266).

  32. 32.

    Song shu, 35.1027–1028.

  33. 33.

    Twitchett and Wright (1973); Loewe (2006: 197–200).

  34. 34.

    Holcombe (2004) argues that the Sui–Tang conquest of the south was successful because of the south’s longing for reunification—a longing sometimes felt stronger than in the north.

  35. 35.

    Twitchett (1992: 3–4).

  36. 36.

    In the words of Chittick (2003: 37), ‘Both kinds of private historical writing naturally exchanged a substantial amount of material with officially sponsored works, but local writing only saw systematic administrative oversight and a correspondingly narrower generic range in the late sixth century, when the Sui government mandated the regular compilation of local works called tujing 圖經, or “map classics”.’

  37. 37.

    François Martin, personal communication (September 2012).

  38. 38.

    Chaussende (2010: 87).

  39. 39.

    See des Rotours (1932: 150).

  40. 40.

    These aspects are ignored in the Jiu Tang shu but reappear in the Xin Tang shu; therefore, the Sui shu treatise presents itself as a compromise between the dryness of the former and the abundance of the latter.

  41. 41.

    Namely, and in chronological order, the sage kings Yao and Yu, the Zhou, the Springs and Autumns, the Warring States, the Qin, Han, Three Kingdoms, Western Jin, Sixteen kingdoms, Eastern Jin, Liu-Song, Qi, Liang, Chen (and the Tuoba-Wei, Northern Qi and Zhou for the North).

  42. 42.

    This line is referencing the Zhouli zhushu, 1.11, which describes the establishment of the royal domain as beginning by ‘differentiating the directions and correcting the positions, demarcating the cities and surveying the fields, establishing offices and distinguishing functions, to serve as the [sovereign] pole of the people’ 辨方正位, 體國經野, 設官分職, 以為民極.

  43. 43.

    The ‘steps’ (chan 躔) and ‘stations’ (ci 次) refer to the sun’s position and seasonal travel-posts over its yearly journey through the stars. The juxtaposition of celestial and terrestrial divisions here is to invoke the theory of ‘field allocation’ (fenye 分野), by which the ‘geography’ of heaven and earth were theorised to correspond; see Pankenier (1999, 2005, 2013).

  44. 44.

    Sui shu, 29.806.

  45. 45.

    Sui shu, 29.807.

  46. 46.

    身沒而區宇幅裂, 及子而社稷淪胥, Sui shu, 29.806.

  47. 47.

    Sui shu, 29.806.

  48. 48.

    They were actually exiled and Huaidi was executed in 313.

  49. 49.

    Sui shu, 29.807.

  50. 50.

    Sui shu, 29.807.

  51. 51.

    For instance, urban issues are not addressed. Thus, Liu Zhiji advocated in the Shitong for treatises specifically focused on capitals, which are mostly absent of the geographical treatise, despite their spatial importance as the centre of the Chinese realm (Chaussende 2014: 61–62).

  52. 52.

    On the ‘field allocation’ theory of the correspondence of such celestial and terrestrial zones, see Note 43.

  53. 53.

    Sui shu, 31.872–873.

  54. 54.

    The ethnonym ‘Man’ may refer to the Southern barbarians in general (‘South’ running from the outskirts of Luoyang to modern Vietnam) or to autochthonous tribes from the southern hills and rivers scattered in the Middle Yangtze area.

  55. 55.

    Sui shu, 33.987.

  56. 56.

    On these matters, see Lewis (2006: 189–244).

  57. 57.

    See Gibbs (1972: 286) and Hsu (2007: 123).

  58. 58.

    爾惟風, 下民惟草, tr. Legge (1865: 539).

  59. 59.

    君子之德風, 小人之德草, 草上之風必偃, tr. Legge (1861: 258).

  60. 60.

    Han shu, 28b.1639–1640; tr. Lewis (1990: 215–216).

  61. 61.

    Nylan (1982: 8–9). By establishing a bridge with a former golden age, Ying Shao 應劭 (140–204), author of the Fengsu tongyi, tried to define the order of things and phenomenon during an era of moral and political decline.

  62. 62.

    Lewis (2006: 190).

  63. 63.

    Sui shu, 29.817.

  64. 64.

    Sui shu, 30.843.

  65. 65.

    Sui shu, 30.860.

  66. 66.

    Sui shu, 31.888.

  67. 67.

    Sui shu, 31.897.

  68. 68.

    See Lycas (2014: 502).

  69. 69.

    Sui shu, 31.897.

  70. 70.

    Balazs (1953: 310).

  71. 71.

    Sui shu, 31.886–887.

  72. 72.

    Lewis (2006: 76).

  73. 73.

    Sui shu, 31.897–898.

  74. 74.

    非聖人, 外寧必內憂, Sui shu, 82.1838–1839, citing Zuo zhuan, Cheng 成 16; tr. Legge (1872: 396).

  75. 75.

    Sui shu, 82.1831.

  76. 76.

    See Wang (1973: 207).

  77. 77.

    For a case study of the ‘civilizing’ of Southeast China in Medieval times, see Clark (2016).

  78. 78.

    On the general matter of tribute between China and tributary countries, see Bielenstein (2005), and for a recent discussion see Selbitschka (2015).

  79. 79.

    For an example of the interest of foreign products and trade relations in historiography, see Chap. 12, this volume.

  80. 80.

    Wang (1973: 212).

  81. 81.

    Sui shu, 29.830.

  82. 82.

    Sui shu, 31.887–888.

  83. 83.

    Unno (1983: 83, 87).

  84. 84.

    Pulleyblank (1961: 295).

  85. 85.

    See Legrand (1932: 66). Under the Tang, we know that material/data was sent to court historians, there being people in charge of fieldwork matters.

  86. 86.

    Abramson (2007: 119).

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Acknowledgements

I wish to express my heartfelt thanks to Daniel Patrick Morgan and Shao-yun Yang for their insightful comments on this paper, and to Pablo Blitstein and Damien Chaussende for their comments on an earlier draft.

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  1. Max-Planck-Institut für Wissenschaftsgeschichte, Boltzmannstraße 22, 14195, Berlin, Germany

    Alexis Lycas

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  1. Laboratoire SPHERE, UMR 7219, Université Paris 7—CNRS, Paris cedex 13, France

    Daniel Patrick Morgan

  2. Centre de recherche sur les civilisations de l’Asie orientale, Paris, France

    Damien Chaussende

Appendix

Appendix

See Table 10.1

Table 10.1 Table of contents of the Sui shu ‘Geographical Treatise’
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Lycas, A. (2019). Intertextuality, Customs and Regionalism in the ‘Geographical Treatise’. In: Morgan, D., Chaussende, D. (eds) Monographs in Tang Official Historiography. Why the Sciences of the Ancient World Matter, vol 3. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-18038-6_10

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