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Defence and Deterrence

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The Morality of Weapons Research

Part of the book series: SpringerBriefs in Ethics ((BRIEFSETHIC))

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Abstract

The primary purpose of weapons is to harm: this is what weapons do, this is what they are designed to do, and the more effectively and efficiently they harm, the better they are as weapons. Weapons are exceptional in this regard, for no other artefacts are intentionally produced to do something that all of us agree is bad. If this is so, then there must be compelling reasons why weapons are made, why people design them and manufacture them. If weapons harm us, why have them? And there is only one plausible answer: we must have weapons to prevent harm.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Harming can of course be justified, depending on the circumstances or context, in which case, although all harm can be regarded as bad, not all harming is wrong. But weapons do what they do regardless of the particular features of the context into which they are introduced, given that what they do is harm. This warrants the unqualified judgement, that all of us can agree with, that intentionally producing something whose essential nature is to harm is a bad thing to do.

  2. 2.

    As I have noted before, Hitler’s armed forces were referred to collectively as the Wehrmacht , which means defence force.

  3. 3.

    I will state here that I have no commitment to (any version of) JWT , and I don’t think it has much to do with real wars. However it is useful way to raise issues about weapons research. For example, I will argue that if weapons research is conducted to prosecute a war, it renders that war unjust. A surprising conclusion.

  4. 4.

    It was in the colonial period, from the 16th to the 19th centuries, that ways of life and cultures were routinely destroyed, by the Spanish and British in particular.

  5. 5.

    The more perceptive writers on war and weapons agree. Martin van Creveld, for instance, writes “As the Arab [the aggressors] use of antiaircraft missiles during the 1973 war against Israel has demonstrated once again, the distinction between ‘offensive’ and ‘defensive’ weapons is largely spurious” (van Creveld 1991: 177).

  6. 6.

    For a discussion of Liddell Hart’s ideas, and for more examples, see Forge (2012: 161–166).

  7. 7.

    As an example, consider the history of one of Germany’s elite World War Two mobile formations, the 7th Panzer (tank) division. This division fought from 1939 to 1945, throughout the whole war with periods for rest and refit. It was involved in the invasions of Poland, France and the Soviet Union, and until the tide of the war changed after the Battle of Stalingrad in 1942, it was part of a force that was offensively ‘postured’. After Stalingrad, Germany was on the defensive in the East and fought for three years to delay the Soviet invasion of Germany. The same formation, the 7th Panzer Division, was thus an instrument for both offence and defence . See Stolfi (2014) for more.

  8. 8.

    As I have done before, see Forge (2012, Sect. 8.4) for more discussion of this passage.

  9. 9.

    In Chap. 2 I introduced Posen’s idea of military doctrine as the element of grand strategy that has to do with security, security to be enforced by military means. This characterisation is entirely consistent with Luttwack’s, given that military doctrine is taken to encompass the levels of strategy below that of grand strategy, in this sense that military doctrine determines, or should determine, their substance. More on this in Chap. 6.

  10. 10.

    There is an immense volume of scholarship about the origins and causes of both world wars, with new and important analyses becoming available. I make no claim to be familiar with even a fraction of this literature. But my aim in this paragraph is simply to give an example of how quite different, even opposite, basic motivations and aims can give rise to essentially the same actions, namely aggressive war.

  11. 11.

    The opposite of deterrence is compellence, when B seeks to coerce A in doing, rather than not doing, something. We will not be concerned with compellence here.

  12. 12.

    If vital interests are those B is prepared to go to war over, and B is prepared to go to war only if its vital interests are at stake, then perhaps these ideas are in need of further clarification if they are to be truly explanatory. Carl von Clausewitz’ famous dictum on war is that it is politics/policy carried on by other means, namely violent ones (von Clausewitz 1984: 7). If we understand the states highest political concerns to revolve around its vital interests, then when peaceful ways of securing these fail, states resort to ‘other means’.

  13. 13.

    Warlords like Napoleon create exceptional circumstances.

  14. 14.

    Nuclear doctrine is a special form of military doctrine, and it comprises authoritative statements about the role of nuclear weapons in war. Since nuclear weapons are so very dangerous, the superpowers, and other nuclear armed states, realised that they needed to spell out how they might be used, to try to forestall any misunderstandings. The nuclear strategy of a state would then amount to an overall plan about how to enact nuclear doctrine in various contingencies, see Freedman 1989, passim.

  15. 15.

    There is a vast literature on this topic. What I write here is a very simple sketch, for the purpose of illustrating the problems and paradoxes that arise when nuclear weapons are used for deterrence. I have written more on the topic elsewhere, see for instance Forge (2012: 93–98).

  16. 16.

    Unfortunately certain groups such as ISIS would welcome such destruction, as the ‘end of days’.

  17. 17.

    See Lebow and Stein (1994) for a catalogue of these mistakes.

  18. 18.

    And as we have seen, the same weapons and the same forces can be used for defence and attack; so no inferences about aggressive intent can be make on the basis of the composition of military forces.

  19. 19.

    The collateral damage would cause huge civilian loss of life and the resulting fallout would cause problems for the attacker as well, possibly a nuclear winter.

  20. 20.

    That is not quite true for every kind of ballistic missile . So-called MIRVed ballistic missiles carry more than one warhead with are independently targetable. These are carried on a ‘bus’ which has some manoeuvrability: the warheads can be released with slightly different trajectories and hit targets some hundreds of kilometres apart. There were a few MARVed missiles, such as the Pershing 11. These had manoeuvrable warheads, so they did actually seek out their targets, but none are now in service.

  21. 21.

    This is why I have said that there is no defence against ballistic missiles .

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Correspondence to John Forge .

Appendix: ABM Systems

Appendix: ABM Systems

An Anti-Ballistic Missile system is a weapon to be used to shoot down or otherwise intercept ballistic missiles . There have been ballistic missiles that are not armed with nuclear warheads, such as the German V2 and various conventional Scud missiles that were used in the First Gulf War and others besides, but the main concern with ABM systems was (and is) with nuclear-armed ballistic missiles . A ballistic missile is aimed and fired and then proceeds to its target first of all under the influence of burning rocket fuel used to accelerate it and then under the influence of its inertia and gravity. The weapon is not guided in that there are no systems that identify and lock onto a target and then direct the path of the missile after it has been fired, and ballistic missiles share this feature with all other projectile weapons .Footnote 20 In theory one could have ABM interceptors that were also ballistic. But this would require the most precise calculation of the flight path of the incoming warhead and then the most precise determination of the flight path of the interceptor, and this would need to take account of factors that in practice could not be determined, such as wind speed. In practice, the interceptors needed to be guided to their targets. This is also extremely challenging: the interceptors have to be very fast and highly manoeuvrable and they have to be fired at the right time and in the right direction.

Dietrich Schroeer tells us that an ABM system has to fulfil five functions

1. The enemy warhead has to be detected; 2. the re-entry vehicle carrying the warhead has be to distinguished from the missile debris and penetrations aids such as decoys and chaff; 3. the path of the warhead has to be predicted into the future; 4. the interceptor has to be guided to its target; and 5. the incoming warhead has to be destroyed in a verifiable way by the explosion of a nuclear warhead (Schroeer 1984: 238).

Attacking nuclear warheads are therefore to be destroyed by defending nuclear warheads, the idea being that only the latter were able to definitely destroy the incoming weapons. Defending in this way demands a substantial price, in terms of nuclear fallout and other damage, such as massive disruption to communication, but presumably better that actually receiving the incoming warheads. The US began to develop a two-layered system based on these principles in 1959, which was partially deployed in 1971, but abandoned a year later under the 1972 treaty to ban ABM systems. A two-layered system is one that comprises two completely independent subsystems sharing no common components and operating at different ranges, the idea being that the warheads missed by the longer range interceptors would be mopped up by the shorter range weapons.

I said I would consider ABM systems as a possible example of a purely defensive system, having claimed that what counts as a defensive weapon depends on the context in which it is in place, from which it follows that there are no purely defensive systems. Having made the point that defensive missions , tactics, etc., are (usually) necessary for aggressive wars of conquest, it may seem that we do not really need to worry about pure defence anymore, because that is now seen not to be able to justify weapons research. However, this example is instructive because of the way in which it confirms the view that what counts as a defence depends on the context, and in the case of ABM systems, the context is informed by strategic or even grand strategic considerations. I will get on to that issue in a moment. Note first that the technologies needed to set up an ABM systems have much in common with those needed for an offensive nuclear missile capability. These include the nuclear warheads for the interceptors, which must be small, be able to detonated at just the right moment and resilient enough to stand up to the high acceleration of the interceptor missiles. The missiles themselves were, for the US system just mentioned, adapted from submarine-based missile technology (Schroeer 1984: 237). Thus the interceptors could be turned back into offensive systems with some modification.

The reason why it was possible for the superpowers to agree to a ban on ABM systems was that they were generally accepted to be extremely destabilising, that is to say, make nuclear war more likely. The reason ABM systems are destabilising is because they would not be ‘leak-proof’, that is, they could never in practice be guaranteed to intercept all incoming warheads: some were bound to get through.Footnote 21 By contrast, a leak-proof system would be profoundly stabilising because nuclear weapons would have been rendered, to use the famous words of President Ronald Reagan, impotent and obsolete (providing everyone had such a system). But an imperfect ‘leaky’ system was thought to encourage the possessor to launch a first strike at its opponent’s nuclear arsenal, either the US or USSR given that we are talking about the period of the Cold War . Assuming that such a strike is not completely successful and retaliation follows, the thinking was that the ABM system would manage to intercept most of the surviving warheads, and damage caused by the relatively few that got through would be ‘acceptable’. The advantage would be that an implacable and dangerous enemy, either the US or USSR , would have been eliminated. This way of thinking is surely very strange: any form of reckoning that countenances just one nuclear warhead landing on one’s territory—on Moscow or New York for example—has gone off the rails in a serious way. But such was Cold War nuclear strategy, and it demonstrates clearly how defence against nuclear weapons could not be separated from the management of offensive systems: the context is everything.

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Forge, J. (2019). Defence and Deterrence. In: The Morality of Weapons Research . SpringerBriefs in Ethics. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-16860-5_4

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