Abstract
This chapter presents a critical overview of previous historiography dealing with the Avar attack on Constantinople in 626. The chapter initially progresses chronologically in this overview from the oldest syntheses of Byzantine history to the first monothematic reports about this event. The first part mostly focuses on scholars who presented a general view on the Avar attack in 626 and its meaning, in the form of either separate studies or selected syntheses. Then attention shifts towards individual thematic fields concerning this topic. These encompass the military aspects of the siege (including the topography of Constantinople) and report about the liturgical and historical tradition of the Avar siege. The last part of this chapter deals with historical commentaries to selected primary sources.
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Notes
- 1.
Among others, cf. Gibbon 1788, 518–521; Le Beau 1830, 119–129; Drapeyron 1869, 220–240; Bury 1889, 239–241; Kulakovskiy 1915, 76–91.
- 2.
Stephenson 2010, 471.
- 3.
Mordtmann 1892, 54–60; 1903, 15–28.
- 4.
Tevyashov 1914, 229–235.
- 5.
Tevyashov 1914, 229.
- 6.
Schlumberger 1917, 1–10.
- 7.
Dirimtekin 1948, 1–24.
- 8.
Pernice 1905, 138–149.
- 9.
Pernice 1905, 146.
- 10.
Kulakovskiy 1915, 76–88.
- 11.
Pernice 1905, 141.
- 12.
Kulakovskiy 1915, 78.
- 13.
Barišić 1954, 371–395.
- 14.
Barišić 1954, 371.
- 15.
Barišić 1954, 390–391.
- 16.
Barišić 1954, 391.
- 17.
Barišić 1954, 392.
- 18.
Stratos 1966, 507–542, and 1968, 173–196 and 373–374.
- 19.
Stratos 1968, 188–189.
- 20.
Stratos 1968, 179, and 1967, 371.
- 21.
Stratos 1968, 194, and 1967, 374–376.
- 22.
Stratos 1967, 376.
- 23.
Lilie 1985, 17–43; Pohl 1988, 255.
- 24.
Waldmüller 1976, 265–283.
- 25.
Kollautz and Miyakawa 1970: 2, 2, 12; Avenarius 1974, 115; Kovačević 1977, 63–66; Szymański and Dąbrowska 1979, 41.
- 26.
Pohl 1988, 248–255 (248), and now 2018, 294–304.
- 27.
Pohl 1988, 249.
- 28.
Pohl 1988, 253 and 428, n. 53.
- 29.
Pohl 1988, 254–255.
- 30.
Kardaras 2010, 121–126, and 2018, 84–87.
- 31.
Havlíková 1979, 126–136.
- 32.
Borovskiy 1988, 114–119.
- 33.
Howard-Johnston 1995, 131–145.
- 34.
Howard-Johnston 1995, 133.
- 35.
Szádeczky-Kardoss 2000, 313–321.
- 36.
Kaegi 2003, 132–139.
- 37.
Soto Chica 2006, 111–134; Kaçar 2017, 171–200.
- 38.
Hurbanič 2006, 52–85; 2009a; 2009b, 129–143; 2010; 2012, 15–24; 2015a, 211–220; 2015b, 75–89; 2016a; 2016b, 271–293; 2017, 81–92.
- 39.
Cf. the recent discussion regarding the topography of the Gate of Saint Romanos: Asutay-Effenberger 2003, 1–4 and 2007, 87–94 and Philippides and Hanak 2011, 335.
- 40.
Paspates 1877, 2–3, 90, Van Millingen 1899, 115–121; Meyer-Plath and Schneider 1943, 100–104; Janin 1964, 265; Müller-Wiener 1977, 301–302; Tsangadas 1980, 22–24.
- 41.
Paspates 1877, 2–3, 92 Asutay-Effenberger 2007, 26.
- 42.
Paspates 1877, 83–98; Van Millingen 1899, 115–121; Meyer-Plath and Schneider 1943, 102–104; Müller-Wiener 1977, 301–302; Tsangadas 1980, 22–32; Asutay-Effenberger 2007, 13–27; Philippides and Hanak 2011, 344–357.
- 43.
Among others, cf. Van Millingen 1899, 164–166; Pernice 1905, 140–141; Kulakovskiy 1915, 78; Pertusi 1959, 217–218; Meyer-Plath and Schneider 1943, 102–104 and 301–302; Müller-Wiener 1977, 301–302; Tsangadas 1980, 24–26, 29–31; Speck 1980, 34–38 (cf. also his map on 37); Paribeni 1988, 215–220 (who proposed a triangular shape of the original fortifications of Blachernai); Mich. Whitby and Mar. Whitby 1989, 180–181, n. 478; Philippides and Hanak 2011, 344.
- 44.
Asutay-Effenberger 2007.
- 45.
Asutay-Effenberger 2007, 22–26.
- 46.
Asutay-Effenberger 2007, 23–25. The conclusions of Asutay-Effenberger were accepted by the Hungarian archaeologist G. Csiky (2012, 165–183).
- 47.
Cf. chapter “The Fortress Constantinople”.
- 48.
Grumel 1964, 217–233; cf. also Mango 2001, 22–25.
- 49.
Stratos 1968, 189–190 and 373–374.
- 50.
Stratos 1968, 190.
- 51.
Stratos 1968, 190.
- 52.
Tsangadas 1980, 80–106.
- 53.
Meyer-Plath and Schneider 1943, 102–104 and 118. In this connection, cf. also Müller-Wiener 1977, 301.
- 54.
Meyer-Plath and Schneider 1943, 102–104; Tsangadas 1980, 97–100.
- 55.
Tsangadas 1980, 100.
- 56.
Tsangadas 1980, 86–87, 94.
- 57.
Tsangadas 1980, 91–93.
- 58.
Tsangadas 1980, 95.
- 59.
Tsangadas 1980, 104–106.
- 60.
Cf. the chapter “Army of Besiegers”.
- 61.
Among others, cf. Labuda 1949, 175 and 190; Grafenauer 1950, 78–79; Barišić 1954, 376, n. 2, 394, n. 2; Waldmüller 1976, 281; Havlíková 1979, 131–133; Borovskiy 1988, 114–11; Ivanov 1995, 80; Litavrin 1995a, 236 n. 5.
- 62.
Nagy 2009, 258–269; Kardaras 2018, 176–181.
- 63.
Dennis 1998, 99–115; Chevedden 2000, 71–114; Kardaras 2005, 53–65; Petersen 2013, 406–429.
- 64.
Petersen 2013, 632–636.
- 65.
Hošek 1974, 101–103; Oračev 1982, 103–109; Strässle 1990, 95; Havlíková 1990, 94–96; Vryonis 2003, 74–75.
- 66.
Hošek 1974, 101–103. The tying of monoxyles together has already been mentioned by Pertusi (1959, 223) and later by Tartaglia (1998, 185, n. 73). Both authors emphasized that this was done for improving the stability of such boats; however, they did not add any further comments on this.
- 67.
Vryonis 2003, 68–75.
- 68.
Pertusi 1959, 216–217; Haldon 1995, 147, n. 16; Speck 1980, 46–47 and 1988, 131–132. Cf. also Van Dieten 1985, 173–175.
- 69.
Hurbanič 2012 15–24; 2015, 211–220; and 2017, 81–92.
- 70.
Szádeczky-Kardoss 1980, 306–312.
- 71.
For the individual hagiographical and liturgical testimonies, cf. the chapter “The Sources”.
- 72.
Recently: Peltomaa 2009, 284–298.
- 73.
Papadopoulos-Kerameus 1903, 5–27; Spadaro 1991, 247–264; Hurbanič 2009b, 129–143; Vorob’yev 2016, 321–337. Cf. also the chapter “The Akathistos”.
- 74.
For the general surveys: Garidis 1977–1984, 99–114. For the frescoes preserved in Macedonia: Kneževič 1966, 254; Grozdanov 1979, 277–287; Velmans 1972, 138; Garidis 1977–1984, 105; Lafontaine-Dosogne 1984, 655, 669, 698; in Romania: Tafrali 1924, 456–461; Grecu 1924, 273–289; Ulea 1963, 29–71; Meinardus 1972, 169–183; Lafontaine-Dosogne 1991, 84, 660, 667–669 and 1991, 455–456. Most recently, Costea 2011, 136–142 and Sullivan 2017, 31–68. For a useful overview of previous research: Ciobanu 2005, 17–32. For the pictorial cycles of Akathistos with the scene of siege of Constantinople in the Russia: Scheffer 1946, 8–10; Meinardus 1976, 113–121; Salikova 1998, 53–68; Kvlividze 2003, 81–85; Kazakevich 2006, 95–96 (and others). For the scenes of the siege of Constantinople as preserved in the pictorial cycle of Archangel Michael, cf. Gabelić 2004, 207–211; Koukiares, 2006 (esp. 155–157).
- 75.
Pertusi 1959, Van Dieten 1972, 15, and 174–178.
- 76.
Van Dieten 1972, 15, and 174–178; Av. Cameron 1979a, 3–25 (esp. 21–24); Pentcheva 2002, 2–41; Speck 2003, 266–271. For more general surveys, cf. Baynes 1955a, 248–260; Alexander 1962, 339–357.
- 77.
Pentcheva 2002, 2–41.
- 78.
Pentcheva 2006.
- 79.
Cf. esp. Ostrogorski and Barišić 1955, 143–172, 217–221, 239–240; Dujčev et al. 1960, 41–67, 78–84, 171–174, 259–260, 293–294; Chichurov 1980, pp. 58–59, 98–99, 102–104, 153, 172–173; Brzóstkowska and Swoboda, 1995, 8–29, 51–52, 120–121, 257; Ivanov, Litavrin and Ronin 1995, 65–90; 226–227, 272–273, and 310–311; Szádeczky-Kardoss 1998, 171–207.
- 80.
Quercius and Fogginius 1777, 55–65.
- 81.
Pertusi 1959, 201–224.
- 82.
Pertusi 1959 (1) 215; (2) 215–216; (3) 217–218; (4) 222; (5) 223–224; (6) 224.
- 83.
Speck 1980.
- 84.
Speck 1980, 27–29 and 2003, 267–268.
- 85.
Speck 1980, 34–41.
- 86.
Van Dieten 1985, 149–178.
- 87.
Van Dieten 1985, 164–165.
- 88.
Van Dieten 1985, 171.
- 89.
Tartaglia 1998, 156–191.
- 90.
Tartaglia 1998, 174, n. 50; 187, No. 77; 189, n. 84.
- 91.
Speck (1980, 42–43 1987, 377–378) accepted Saturday 5 June as preserved in the Paschal Chronicle, but not the given year (623). He therefore accepted the solution of N. Baynes (1912, 122–125), who looked for the nearest year when the day of the week and month would coincide (617). Cf. also Stratos 1981, 115–118; Mich. Whitby and Mar. Whitby 1989, 203–204.
- 92.
Van Dieten 1985, 149–177.
- 93.
Van Dieten 1985, 171–172.
- 94.
Mich. Whitby and Mar. Whitby 1989.
- 95.
Mich. Whitby and Mar. Whitby 1989, 169–181.
- 96.
Speck 1987, 371–402.
- 97.
Speck 1987, 393–394.
- 98.
Sternbach 1900, 333–334.
- 99.
Szádeczky-Kardoss 1976, 173–184; 1978a, 87–95; 1982–1984 (1988), 443–450; cf. also 1990–1992, 169–175.
- 100.
Szádeczky-Kardoss and Olajos 1990, 147–182.
- 101.
Makk 1975, 5.
- 102.
Olster 1994, 73–78.
- 103.
Speck 1988, 131–133 (Theophanes) and 298–317 (Nikephoros). For Speck’s analysis of the intercepted letter and the subsequent story of Shahrbaraz’s treason, cf. 144–152 (Theophanes) and 292–298 (Nikephoros).
- 104.
Speck 1988, 131–132; cf. also Speck 1980, 46–47.
- 105.
Speck 1988, 314.
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Appendix
Appendix
Finally, an additional group of important material on the Avar siege should be briefly examined. This one includes various historical commentaries on individual motifs preserved in primary and later sources. Such material is usually present in various general anthologies to the history of the early Slavs and Avars in the form of short but valuable notices.Footnote 79 The following overview will cover only the more detailed ones which are related to the primary sources to the Avar siege.
Bellum Avaricum
The first detailed commentary on this historical poem of George of Pisidia appeared already by J. M. Quercius.Footnote 80 Another one was produced in 1959 by the Italian classical philologist and Byzantinist A. Pertusi in his critical edition of the historical poems of George of Pisidia.Footnote 81 In his extensive comments, Pertusi briefly outlined the background of the Avar siege by using the Italian translation of the relevant pages from Barišić’s study and adding further notes on individual verses of the Bellum Avaricum. His most important remarks are as follows: (1) regarding the strength of the Avar army, he accepted the total number of 80,000 as mentioned in the Bellum Avaricum; (2) the otherwise unknown Philoxenon Gate referred to at the beginning of the Avar siege must have stood in the central section of the Theodosian Walls; (3) George of Pisidia’s term “teichos neos” (new wall) is identical with the so-called Monoteichos of Blachernai, the transverse land wall stretching from the Anemas prison to the Golden Horn whose construction began, according to Pertusi, before the beginning of the Avar siege; (4) verses 404–407 were considered to be proof of the sacking of Blachernai along with its Marian church at the beginning of the decisive day of the siege on 7 August; (5) he assessed the mention of a storm which was supposed to have destroyed the Slavic boats as metaphorical, as this natural phenomenon was not backed up by any contemporary source but only by later hagiographic tradition; and (6) he was also sceptical of the possibility that verses 502–508 had proclaimed that the most well-known Marian hymn, the Akathistos, had been sung after the end of the siege.Footnote 82
The selected passages from the Bellum Avaricum were commented on by the German Byzantinist P. Speck in his short but provocative monography released in 1980. Speck touches upon several issues dealing with the siege which go beyond the scope of commentary on the Bellum Avaricum.Footnote 83 These specific conclusions will be addressed at appropriate places in this book. Speck only discussed selected verses of the Bellum Avaricum. He rightly concluded that George of Pisidia poetically compared the procession of the patriarch Sergios with an image of Christ to a court trial of the Avars.Footnote 84 With regard to the other sources, Speck tried to prove that the Avars did not enter the Blachernai quarter on the final day of the siege. Speck considered the statement in the Bellum Avaricum that the barbarians had occupied the places of the Invincible Mother only as proof of the Avars’ presence in the wider area of Blachernai. He concluded that access to the Church of the Theotokos had already been blocked by the new Wall of Herakleios.Footnote 85
In 1985, another German Byzantinist, L. Van Dieten, reacted to Speck’s most controversial statements.Footnote 86 He rejected that the term “teichos neos” referred to a completely new fortified structure. He also argued that Herakleios’s letter ordering such an erection came to Constantinople no sooner than at the beginning of July 626, so there was practically no time to finish it before the start of the siege. According to Van Dieten, the expression “teichos neos” needs to be explained within other orders by Emperor Herakleios to strengthen the city defences on the eve of the Avar attack. George of Pisidia had in mind the previously mentioned wooden palisade and not a wall in the proper sense of the word.Footnote 87 Although Van Dieten disagrees with Speck’s arguments regarding the earlier construction of the Wall of Herakleios, he rejected the thesis of Pernice, Stratos, and Barišić that the Avars had taken Blachernai along with the Church of the Theotokos on the final day of the siege; he accepted Speck’s conclusion that Pisides had in mind the wider region of Blachernai, which the Avars made their base of operations.Footnote 88
Short historical notes on the Bellum Avaricum can be found in another edition of George of Pisidia’s poems by L. Tartaglia.Footnote 89 Among his other comments, Tartaglia does not identify the mention of a “new wall” with the construction of the “Monoteichos” of Blachernai. Like Pertusi, Tartaglia believed that the references to the storm during the final attack were a poetic metaphor and not a real act of nature, as other contemporary sources did not appear to document it. He also doubts another problematic reference which is considered by some scholars to be proof of the singing of the Akathistos after the end of the Avar siege.Footnote 90
The Paschal Chronicle
The official report on the Avar siege in the Paschal Chronicle is indisputably the most important historical source regarding this event. This sober and well-informed text has unfortunately been preserved in a bad condition. The missing folio covering two and a half days of the siege and the poor state of the primary manuscript (Codex Vaticanus Graecus 1941) led P. Speck to the conclusion that the closing remarks of this report did not concern the Avar siege but actually an earlier Avar surprise attack, which he incorrectly dated to 617.Footnote 91 In 1985, Van Dieten convincingly questioned this hypothesis and refuted most of Speck’s arguments.Footnote 92 In addition, he accepted the information in the Paschal Chronicle that the Avars entered the Church of the Theotokos at Blachernai; however, according to him, this was not on the final day of the siege but rather during its course.Footnote 93
The most expansive historical commentary on this report can be found in the English-language translation of the Paschal Chronicle by Mary and Michael Whitby.Footnote 94 In addition to the explanatory notes, these authors present their own interpretation of important moments during the siege: (1) in contrast to Barišić, they acknowledge the possibility of a coordinated attack by the Avars and Persians; (2) they see Nikephoros’s report of the siege as additional evidence of the textual lacuna of the Paschal Chronicle; (3) the Church of the Theotokos at Blachernai was unprotected during the siege; and (4) they reject Speck’s thesis regarding the textual transposition of the concluding passages of the report.Footnote 95 These conclusions go beyond the scope of this summary and will be treated in the relevant parts of the book.
In 1987, Speck published another paper, which focused on the first and second embassy of the patrician Athanasios to the khagan before the beginning of the Avar siege.Footnote 96 Here Speck drew attention to numerous problematic areas in the Paschal Chronicle, which he again attributed to the poor state of the primary manuscript of the chronicle. It is important to mention that Speck logically reconstructed the series of diplomatic negotiations between the khagan, the patrician Athanasios, and the council of regents led by magister Bonos and the patriarch Sergios. However, Speck did not examine the reasons behind the violation of the treaty by the Avars in greater detail. Speck was also critical of Van Dieten’s evaluation of the report of the incursion of the Avars into the Blachernai church, while still maintaining that this part of the Paschal Chronicle did not refer to the siege of 626 but rather to the previous Avar attack, which he himself dated to 617.Footnote 97
A Homily Attributed to Theodore Synkellos
The first historical commentary on the third contemporary source of the Avar siege—a homily attributed to Theodore Synkellos—appeared in a critical edition by the Polish philologist L. Sternbach.Footnote 98 The main scholarly authority which dealt with the textual tradition of this source in the second half of the twentieth century was S. Szádeczky-Kardoss. In several works, he focused on various versions of this text.Footnote 99 In 1990, alongside his life partner, the philologist and Byzantinist T. Olajos, he published an abridged version of this sermon, which had been preserved in the codex of the Pantokrator Monastery on Athos (BHG 1078m).Footnote 100 His colleague F. Makk republished Sternbach’s edition of this text with nine suggested conjectures and a French translation.Footnote 101 This edition included a short commentary which was primarily of an explanatory nature. The most expansive commentary on this sermon appeared in a book by D. Olster, who primarily paid attention to its anti-Judaic tone through which Synkellos and other Christian authors redefined their empire and their enemies to affirm God’s love for his “errant people”.Footnote 102
Comments on Later Sources
Theophanes and the Patriarch Nikephoros
The Historia Syntomos of the Constantinopolitan patriarch Nikephoros and the Chronographia of Theophanes are considered as an addition to the primary sources of the Avar siege. In addition to the already quoted selected source anthologies, the most detailed commentary on both accounts was once again written by P. Speck.Footnote 103 He did not analyse Theophanes’s report of the siege in great detail, but he did question some of its motifs, such as the division of Herakleios’s forces into three parts and the information regarding the transportation of the Slavic dug-out boats from Danube to Constantinople.Footnote 104 Speck gave much more space to the anonymous source on the Avar siege preserved by the patriarch Nikephoros. Here he directed attention to its main part, which discussed the final attack by the Avars and Slavs. In a detailed analysis, he emphasized the sober character of this report, while also pointing out several problematic and contradictory places in it. Contrary to previous authors, he did not consider it to be an addition to primary sources but rather a later attempt to rationally clarify the reasons for the final victory in the Golden Horn.Footnote 105
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Hurbanič, M. (2019). The Interpretation of the Siege. In: The Avar Siege of Constantinople in 626. New Approaches to Byzantine History and Culture. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-16684-7_3
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