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The Memory of the Siege

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The Avar Siege of Constantinople in 626

Part of the book series: New Approaches to Byzantine History and Culture ((NABHC))

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Abstract

This chapter presents an overview of all the accessible sources dealing with the Avar siege of Constantinople in 626. Core information about contemporary testimonies is elaborated on in order to process their partial motifs in the later parts of this book. The rest of the sources are ordered according to their provenience and genre. After presenting the contemporary accounts of the siege, the chapter then focuses on Byzantine narrative and liturgical and hagiographical sources before dwelling on testimonies of various types (correspondence, historical epos, and court poetry). The next part of the overview presents further information on non-Byzantine sources as well.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    For previous lists of the sources, cf. Barišić 1954, 371–377; Szádeczky-Kardoss 1972, 91–92; Tsiaples 2015, 79–97, and particularly Szádeczky-Kardoss 1998, 171–207 (with extensive commentaries and partial translations of the sources).

  2. 2.

    Chronicon Paschale, 716.9–726.10. For further information and a bibliography: Krumbacher 1891, 337–339; Moravcsik 1956, 241–243; Hunger 1978, 328–330; Mich. Whitby and Mar . Whitby 1989, IX–XXIX; Howard-Johnston 2010a, 37–59 (on the report on the Avar siege, cf. 45–48); Neville 2018, 52–55.

  3. 3.

    Barišić 1954, 175.

  4. 4.

    Speck 1980, 62–64, and Howard-Johnston 2010a, 47–48; in contrast, Van Dieten 1985, 153–154. This report was written before 1 September 626 as the dating formula in it clearly reveals (“present indiction 14”). Cf. Speck 1987, 382.

  5. 5.

    J. Howard-Johnston (2010a, 47) suggests that the report was written under the guidance of the Constantinopolitan patriarch Sergios. This would then explain the omission of his name and activities during the Avar siege. Ericsson (1968, 18) and Van Dieten (1972, 13, n. 28) assume that such omissions should be ascribed to the later Orthodox redactor of the Paschal Chronicle, who deliberately removed the memory of Sergios due to his sympathies and support of Monotheletism.

    Cf. also Speck 1980, 63, and 1987, 376.

  6. 6.

    Cf. Speck 1980, 31–48; Van Dieten 1985, 157–163; Mich. Whitby and Mar. Whitby 1989, 179, n. 457. Howard-Johnston (2010a, 46) admits the possibility that these references come from another source.

  7. 7.

    Mercati 1905/1906, 409.

  8. 8.

    Theodore Synkellos, 298–320. On the problem of its authorship: Vasilevskiy 1896, 90–92; Sternbach 1900, 333 and Szádeczky-Kardoss 1976, 299–300. On the manuscript tradition: Szádeczky-Kardoss 1976, 297–306; 1978a, 87–95; 1982–1984 (1988), 443–450; Kozelnická 2007, 19–28 and 2008, 131–144.

  9. 9.

    Chronicon Paschale, 721.4–722.14.

  10. 10.

    Barišić 1954, 373; Szádeczky-Kardoss and Olajos 1990, 148–149. Howard-Johnston (2006, 89) assumes that this text was delivered for the Feast of the Nativity (15 September 626). For a later date (627 or more probably 628), cf. Effenberger 2016, 325.

  11. 11.

    Another variant of this homily is preserved in the codex of the Pantokrator Monastery (Codex Athous Pantokrator gr. 26; ms. dated to the eleventh century). The long eschatological passages were omitted by a later copyist. Cf. Szádeczky-Kardoss and Olajos 1990, 147–182. For the concept of Constantinople as New Jerusalem in this homily cf. Olster 1994, 73–78 and Hurbanič 2016b, 271–293; in generally: Sherrard 1965, 79–136; Zervan 2008, 414–421 and 2010, 86–98; Pahlitzsch 2011, 243–252; on its emergence: Wortley 1983, 361–376; Magdalino 1993, 11–12; Guran 2009, 35–57.

  12. 12.

    George of Pisidia Bellum Avaricum, v. 1–540. For commentaries: Pertusi 1959, 201–224; Speck 1980; Van Dieten 1985, 149–178.

  13. 13.

    On his career and works: Pertusi 1959, 11–16; Hunger 1978, 112–113; Tartaglia 1998, 9–38; Howard-Johnston 2010a, 16–35. Cf. also, Mar. Whitby 1994, 57–87 and 1998, 247–273 and Howard-Johnston 1994, 57–87.

  14. 14.

    Cf. the chapter “From History to Legend”.

  15. 15.

    The primacy of the Bellum Avaricum over Synkellos was stressed by Sternbach (1900, 1) and later by Pertusi (1959, 215). On the contrary, Speck (1980, 19) believed that it was George of Pisidia who was influenced by Synkellos and who had his sermon in front of his eyes.

  16. 16.

    Such motifs are as follows: (1) A rhetorical appeal to Emperor Herakleios to come and save endangered Constantinople (In Bonum Patricium, v. 50–55, 144 and v. 111–153, 148–152); (2) A triple threat to Constantinople from the Avars, Persians, and the Slavs (Heraclias 2, v. 90–97, 214); (3) The same motif of the Avar threat addressed to the young emperor and regent Herakleios Constantine (In Christi Resurrectionem, 121–123, 258); and (4) A comparison of the Constantinopolitan patriarch Sergios to Moses, who had “buried in the sea the second Pharaoh”, resembling the defeat of the enemies in the Golden Horn (Encomium of Anastasios, BHG 86, 2, 203.8–9). Cf. Pertusi 1959, 224, and Mar. Whitby 2003, 179. On the other hand, the killing of the Slavs by the Scythians (In Restitutionem S. Crucis, v. 78–81, 244) more likely reflects internal strife in the Avar khaganate after 626 than the massacre of the Slavic warriors by the khagan after their unsuccessful naval attack on the final day of the Avar siege, as Tartaglia (1998, 245, n. 19) believes.

  17. 17.

    Anthologia Graeca, 120, 121, 178–181. George of Pisidia’s authorship was first recognized by Waltz 1925, 323.

  18. 18.

    George of Pisidia Poem 96, 496–498.

  19. 19.

    George of Pisidia Poem 95, 496. Cf. Speck 1980, 54–56; Pentcheva 2006, 62; and Effenberger 2016, 290.

  20. 20.

    Vasiliev 1946, 98–99.

  21. 21.

    George of Pisidia Poem 102 (On the Church of Pege), 498–501.

  22. 22.

    Akathistos Hymn, 29–30. Among others: Wellesz 1953, 152 (in 626 or more probably in 718); Trypanis 1968, 20 (only as a possibility); Van Dieten 1972, 18–19; Av. Cameron 1979a, 6, 22; Meier 2003, 518 (after 626); Peltomaa 2001, 21; 2009, 284–298.

  23. 23.

    Cf. the chapter “The Akathistos”.

  24. 24.

    On his Historia Syntomos: Mango 1986a, 539–552 and 1990, 1–31; Howard-Johnston 2010a, 237–267. In this connection, also Moravcsik 1956, 456–459; Hunger 1978, 334–337; Chichurov 1980, 145–150; Speck 1988, 195–211; Treadgold 2013, 26–37 and Neville 2018, 72–75.

  25. 25.

    Nikephoros 13, 58–60.

  26. 26.

    Cf. also Hurbanič 2017, 181–192.

  27. 27.

    On this chronicle: Moravcsik 1956, 531–537; Hunger 1978, 334–339; Chichurov 1980, 5–23; Mango and Scott 1997, I–C; Treadgold 2013, 38–77 and Neville 2018, 61–71. For his sources on the last war of antiquity: Howard-Johnston 2010a, 268–295.

  28. 28.

    Theophanes, 315.7–315.14; 316.16–316.25.

  29. 29.

    Theophanes, 316.25–27 and 323.22–324.16. (= George Kedrenos, 721.18–20 and 733.3–19). For the other version, cf. Nikephoros, 12, 56.49–58.2. The condensed version of this story is preserved by John Zonaras (210.9–16).

  30. 30.

    On the so-called “common source”, cf. Brooks 1906, 578–587; Proudfoot 1974, 367–439; Speck 1988, 516–519; Conrad 1992, 317–401; Mango and Scott 1997, lxxxii–lxxxiii; Hoyland 1997, 400–409 and 631–671 and 2011, 1–35; Palmer 1993, 95–104; and Brandes 2009, 321–322, 326–329. For the most recent discussion: Jankowiak 2013, 247–249 and 260; Debié 2015, 365–382; Conterno 2015, 383–400. The story of Shahrbaraz will be discussed in a subsequent chapter in this book.

  31. 31.

    For various suggested dates regarding the composition of this chronicle, cf. Afinogenov, 1999, 438–447.

  32. 32.

    George Monachos, 670.18–671.5. On his chronicle: Moravcsik 1956, 277–280; Hunger 1978, 347–351; Treadgold 2013, 114–120 and Neville 2018, 87–92.

  33. 33.

    Wahlgren 2006, 7. This chronicle came to us under several names listed by Wahlgren (2001, 252). None of them could any longer be considered as the specific redactor of this text. Cf. Wahlgren 2001, 251–262, and Kresten 1976, 203–212. For other comments of this chronicle: Moravcsik 1956, 515–517; Hunger 1978, 354–357; Treadgold 2013, 203–217 and Neville 2018, 118–123.

  34. 34.

    For the date and composition of this chronicle: Moravcsik 1956, 233; Hunger 1978, 393–394 and esp. Külzer 1991, 413–447. Cf. also Neville 2018, 135–136.

  35. 35.

    Chronicon Bruxellense, 29.

  36. 36.

    Moravcsik 1956, 273–275; Hunger 1978, 393–394; Treadgold 2013, 339–342 and Neville 2018, 162–168.

  37. 37.

    George Kedrenos, 727.11–727.17 and 728.14–23.

  38. 38.

    George Kedrenos, 728.23–729.18. On the topography of Palaia Petra, cf. Janin 1964, 463 and Külzer 2008, 580–581.

  39. 39.

    Moravcsik 1956, 344–348, and Hunger 1978, 416–419; Treadgold 2013, 388–399; Neville 2018, 191–199.

  40. 40.

    John Zonaras, 208.17–209.7.

  41. 41.

    Constantine Manasses, v. 3682–3736, 200–203. On the author and his work: Lampsidis 1996, XI–CLIX. For further information: Moravcsik 1956, 353–356; Hunger 1978, 419–422; Treadgold 2013, 399–403 and Neville 2018, 200–204.

  42. 42.

    Cf. the critical apparatus by Lampsidis (200–203). Like George of Pisidia, Manasses compared the Avars to the mythical Scylla by using the same rhetorical expression Σκυθοτρόφος (“the one who nourish the Scythians”). Cf. Constantine Manasses, v. 3698–3699, 201 and George of Pisidia Bellum Avaricum, v. 204–206, 168. However, in his other poem (Heraclias 2, v. 73, 214) George applied the same expression to Charybdis and not Scylla. The motif of Scylla and Charybdis is also present in Theodore Synkellos (304.18–19). Cf. also Heraclias 2, v. 73–82, and v. 90–97, 214 and subsequent comments by Pertusi 1959, 273; Speck 1980, 77–78, n. 59; Frendo 1984, 183–184; Van Dieten 1985, 154–155 and Mar. Whitby 1994, 209–210.

  43. 43.

    Constantine Manasses, v. 3690, 3696, 201 (Avars); v. 3689, 3696, 201, v. 3714, 202 (Scythians), and v. 3707, 3715, 202 (Tauroscythians).

  44. 44.

    For the most recent discussion: Tocci (2006, 127–144 and 2015, 64–115) who maintained that the Synopsis Chronike and Chronika were written by Theodore Skoutariotes. His authorship of the Synopsis Chronike is, however, questioned by Zafeiris 2011, 253–264 (esp. 262–263). Cf. also Neville 2018, 232–236.

  45. 45.

    Synopsis Chronike, 108.16–109.9; Theodore Skoutariotes, 2.199, 122.1–12.

  46. 46.

    Synopsis Chronike, 108.19; Theodore Skoutariotes, 2199, 122.8.

  47. 47.

    Synopsis Chronike, 109.6–8; Theodore Skoutariotes, 2.199, 122.10–12.

  48. 48.

    Cf. Constantine Laskaris, 67; The Chronicle of 1570 (Ps.-Dorotheos of Monembasia), 276–277.

  49. 49.

    Doukas 36.4, 317. On this source: Moravcsik 1956, 247–251; Hunger 1978, 490–494 and Neville 2018, 298–301.

  50. 50.

    On the origins of the Byzantine liturgical calendars: Ehrhard 1937, 25–35 and Høgel 2002, 34–45.

  51. 51.

    Ehrhard 1937, 19; Høgel 2002, 36.

  52. 52.

    Cf. Kalendarium, 65. For the date of this manuscript, cf. Orsini 2018, 162. Cf. also Jaharis Gospel Lectionary, 113. For the other manuscripts of Byzantine lectionaries preserving the notice of this commemoration, cf. Lowden 2009, 32–33.

  53. 53.

    For the term “Synaxarion”, cf. Taft and Ševčenko 1991, 1991; Noret 1968, 20–24. Cf. also Ehrhard 1937, 28–33; Høgel 2002, 35.

  54. 54.

    Delehaye 1902.

  55. 55.

    Synaxarium Ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae (BHG 1063b), col. 872–876.

  56. 56.

    Synaxarium Ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae (Lipsiensis R II 25), col. 871–874 (originally from the monastery of St. Giorgio di Tucco in Calabria from 1172). Cf. Pieralli 1994, 463–468.

  57. 57.

    Synaxarium Ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae (Parisinus Graecus 1587), col. 869–872.

  58. 58.

    Synaxarium Ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae (Lipsiensis R II 25), col. 873–874.44–50.

  59. 59.

    Historia Syntomos, 38–39. On the manuscript tradition, cf. Šišková 2009, 15–19.

  60. 60.

    Ehrhard 1937, 683.

  61. 61.

    Hunger 1961, 50.

  62. 62.

    Ehrhard 1943, 746, n. 2.

  63. 63.

    Halkin 1984, 296.

  64. 64.

    Historia Syntomos 39.14–62 and Synaxarium Ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae (Lipsiensis R II 25), col. 873–874.54–56.

  65. 65.

    Cf. Ševčenko 1991, 1340.

  66. 66.

    Moravcsik 1956, 294; Der Nersessian, 1940–41, 104–125; Ševčenko 1962, 245–276.

  67. 67.

    Miraculum Mariae, col. 573D–575A.

  68. 68.

    Miraculum Mariae, col. 576B.

  69. 69.

    For the terminology: Luzzi 2014, 148.

  70. 70.

    On these stationary processions in Constantinople, cf. esp. Baldovin 1987.

  71. 71.

    Mateos 1962, X–XVIII; Luzzi 2014, 201.

  72. 72.

    Patmos 266, 101.

  73. 73.

    Patmos 266, 101, n. 4.

  74. 74.

    Baldovin 1987, 191.

  75. 75.

    Mateos 1962, XVIII–XIX; Grumel (1967, 45–57) dated this version to after 970 and before the beginning of the eleventh century. For a general overview, cf. Kazhdan 1991, 2132–2133.

  76. 76.

    Hagios Stauros 40: 1, 362.14–364.13.

  77. 77.

    Patmos 266, 124.

  78. 78.

    Hagios Stauros 40: 2, 52.20–54.24.

  79. 79.

    For this feast, cf. the chapter “The Akathistos”.

  80. 80.

    Some manuscripts have a modification to the title. On this text, most recently: Kösegi 2015 (for the manuscript tradition 20–34).

  81. 81.

    Theophanes, 353.25–354.17.

  82. 82.

    Diegesis Ophelimos, col. 1365B.

  83. 83.

    Nikephoros, 52, 120.11; Theophanes, 395.24–25. Cf. Barišić (1955, 170) who, however, only referred to chronicle of Theophanes.

  84. 84.

    Cf. also Barišić 1955, 170; Moravcsik 1956, 294–295; Brzóstkowska and Swoboda 1995, 8.

  85. 85.

    Théarvic 1904, 299 and 1905, 165–166.

  86. 86.

    Among others, cf. Speck 1986, 227; Spadaro 1991, 259.

  87. 87.

    Kösegi 2015, 21–31.

  88. 88.

    Høgel 2002, 63. On Symeon Metaphrastes and his work, Høgel 2002, 61–158 and most recently 2014, 181–196.

  89. 89.

    A. Ehrhard (1938, 611) asserted that the original part of the Diegesis was a prologue (BHG 1059z) which Symeon Metaphrastes removed when compiling his Menologion. The mentioned prologue, beginning with the words ἐμῶν ῥημάτων ἄκουσον, has only been preserved in one manuscript from the fourteenth century (Oxon. Bodl. Selden 8 arch supra 9, ed. Szádeczky-Kardoss 1978b, 49–51). However, Szádeczky -Kardoss (1989, 195–196, and 1990, 36) and T. Antonopoulou (2010, 78) pointed out that this sort of metric prologue started to appear in manuscripts only from the twelfth century and therefore could not have been an original part of the Diegesis. Ehrhard also provided evidence to support the existence of the Diegesis prior to Metaphrastes’s Menologion upon the basis of the manuscript tradition. According to him, the Diegesis was present in liturgical collections in the movable church year; however, of the six manuscripts he mentions, only two are dated to earlier than the thirteenth century. The occurrence of the Diegesis in these sorts of collections is therefore very scattered and does not provide much proof of its wide usage before the emergence of the Menologion of Symeon Metaphrastes. Cf. Kösegi 2015, 32–33.

  90. 90.

    Diegesis Ophelimos, col. 1356D. Cf. Pentcheva 2002, 22–27.

  91. 91.

    Diegesis Ophelimos, 1361B.

  92. 92.

    Lectio Triodii , col. 1348–1354. This text is only traditionally ascribed to Nikephoros Kallistos Xanthopoulos. Cf. Papadopoulos-Kerameus 1903, 9, 19–20. The author of the Lectio mentioned the city of Chrysopolis (col. 1349A) on the Asian side of the Bosphorus and added that it is now known under the name of Skoutari. Such a designation for this agglomeration was, however, not used before the twelfth century. Cf. Janin 1964, 494 and Speck 1980, 137.

  93. 93.

    Lectio Triodii, col. 1349AB.

  94. 94.

    Cf. Nikephoros, 11, 54.1–3; Theophanes, 302.34–303.3. Speck 1980, 137, n. 320.

  95. 95.

    Lectio Triodii, col. 1349B.

  96. 96.

    Lectio Triodii, col. 1352C.

  97. 97.

    Grumel 1958, 185.

  98. 98.

    Grumel 1958, 183–185. For the other three manuscripts of this homily, cf. Kotzabassi 1998, 58–62 (61), 100–103 (102) and 146–150 (152) and Shailor 1987, 3–7 (5). On the manuscript tradition, cf. Beláková 2012, 20.

  99. 99.

    Grumel 1958, 185, 189–190.

  100. 100.

    Grumel 1958, 187–189, cf. also Beck 1959, 475.

  101. 101.

    Speck 1986, 209–227.

  102. 102.

    Speck 1986, 209–211. His conclusions were accepted by Kazhdan (1999, 58) and Darrouzès (1987, 7).

  103. 103.

    Reinsch 2000, 45.

  104. 104.

    Reinsch 2000, 44–46 (cf. subsequent reaction by Speck 2002, 302).

  105. 105.

    Ps.-Germanos, 16, 195.

  106. 106.

    Ps.-Germanos, 16, 195. On this motif, cf. Grumel 1964, 217; Stratos 1968, 373–374 and Speck 1986, 209–210.

  107. 107.

    Cf. the chapter “The Fortress Constantinople”.

  108. 108.

    Ps.-Germanos, 17, 195; cf. Diegesis Ophelimos, col. 1364B (a very similar closing section referring to the Avar siege); cf. also Speck 1986, 221. For an opposite view, cf. Grumel, 1958, 188.

  109. 109.

    Ps.-Germanos, 17, 195.

  110. 110.

    Ps.-Germanos, 16, 195.

  111. 111.

    Hunger, Kresten and Hannick 1984, 126–132, 131 (ff. 263–279v).

  112. 112.

    Antonios Tripsychos, 337–341.

  113. 113.

    Sternbach 1900, 336 (cf. his edition on 337–342).

  114. 114.

    Antonios Tripsychos, 75–87.

  115. 115.

    Papadopoulos-Kerameus 1903, 72–74.

  116. 116.

    Leroy and Delouis 2004, 24–25.

  117. 117.

    Antonios Tripsychos, 4, 81.5–13.

  118. 118.

    Antonios Tripsychos, 4, 81.26–82.15.

  119. 119.

    Antonios Tripsychos, 5, 82.19–20.

  120. 120.

    Antonios Tripsychos, 6, 83.1–2.

  121. 121.

    Antonios Tripsychos, 6, 83–84.

  122. 122.

    Papadopoulos-Kerameus 1903, 73–74.

  123. 123.

    Papadopoulos-Kerameus 1903, 74.

  124. 124.

    Mango 1978b, 118; Karapli 2009, 331.

  125. 125.

    Tsiaples 2015, 90.

  126. 126.

    Miracula Michaelis Archangeli, 90.

  127. 127.

    Miracula Michaelis Archangeli, 90.

  128. 128.

    Miracula Michaelis Archangeli, 90.

  129. 129.

    Damaskenos Stoudites, 266; Megas Synaxaristes, 187–188.

  130. 130.

    Dionysios of Fourna, 174.

  131. 131.

    Tsiaples, 2015, 91.

  132. 132.

    Theodore Laskaris, 272–283. Cf. Giannouli 2001, 259–272.

  133. 133.

    Theodore Laskaris, 273.10–11.

  134. 134.

    Theodore Laskaris, 273.30–33; cf. also 274.52–53.

  135. 135.

    Vasiliev 1946, 103–105.

  136. 136.

    Pseutogkas 2002, 127–145.

  137. 137.

    Antonios of Larissa, 128–137.

  138. 138.

    Pseutogkas 2002, 11–23.

  139. 139.

    Diegesis (1402), 102–117.

  140. 140.

    Gautier 1965, 101.

  141. 141.

    Hunger 1958, 280–281

  142. 142.

    Gautier 1965, 100–101.

  143. 143.

    Diegesis (1402), 110.5.

  144. 144.

    Diegesis (1402), 112.32–114.6.

  145. 145.

    Nicholas Mystikos, 10, 70.

  146. 146.

    Nicholas Mystikos, 10, 70.20–45.

  147. 147.

    Nicholas Mystikos, 10, 70.30–39.

  148. 148.

    Nicholas Mystikos, 10, 70.39–45; Diegesis Ophelimos col. 1364C.

  149. 149.

    On these manuscripts, Jeffreys 1998, XXI–XXII.

  150. 150.

    Trapp 1971.

  151. 151.

    Digenes Akrites (A), v. 4291–4312, 435–436; (T) 9, v. 3055–3076, 250–252; (Z) 9 v. 4153–4174, 347–349.

  152. 152.

    Manganeios Prodromos, 20–24.

  153. 153.

    Eirene was imprisoned two times: in 1143 (soon after accession of Emperor Manuel I. Komnenos) and in 1147. Cf. E. Jeffreys and M. Jeffreys 1994, 41–42 and 58. On her as a person, cf. Lampsidis 1984, 91–105; Jeffreys 2013, 177–194.

  154. 154.

    Manganeios Prodromos, vv. 54–61, 22.

  155. 155.

    Manganeios Prodromos, vv. 69–74, 22–23.

  156. 156.

    An overview of contemporary and late Latin sources on the reign of Emperor Herakleios and his Persian campaigns is given by Sommerlechner 2003, 319–360.

  157. 157.

    For the reception of this legend in the West, cf. Baert 2004, 140–193; 198–199, 219–221, 237–242, 254, 280–289, 369–379, 430–446; Borgehammar 2009, 145–201; Curschmann 1995, 49–61.

  158. 158.

    Brandes 2002, 36.

  159. 159.

    Ps.-Fredegar , 4.64, 228, 230. Baudot (1928, 161–162) and Rotter (1986, 150–151) rightly conclude that this story (and the other episodes of the Persian war as well) were actually based on the report of the two Frankish envoys Servatus and Paternus after their return to King Dagobert from the embassy in Constantinople (Ps.-Fredegar, 4.62, 226, 228).

  160. 160.

    Anastasius Bibliothecarius, 195.27–31; 196.23–34; 201.34–202.18.

  161. 161.

    Anonymus Tarragonensis 128.392–400. On the date of this report and its author: Ciggaar (1995, 128–134).

  162. 162.

    Anonymus Tarragonensis 120.52 and 125.265–266. Cf. Ciggaar 1995, 33, and 1996, 82.

  163. 163.

    Georgij Mnich, 434; Simeon Metafrast i Logofet, 66; Konstantin Manasi, 133–134.

  164. 164.

    The Chronograph of 1512, 304 and The Chronograph of the West-Russian Recension, 119. Cf. also. Litsevoy Letopisniy Svod, 308–312 (with its miniatures of the siege).

  165. 165.

    Loseva 2001, 122–126, 401. However, in the famous Ostromir Gospels there is obviously a scribal error. Instead of the memory of the attack of the barbarians in Blachernai, there is a mention of the other unattested Feast of Saint Barbara. Cf. Ulyanov 2008, 140.

  166. 166.

    On its textual tradition among the Balkan Slavs, cf. Ivanova 2008, 496–497, on individual manuscripts, cf. also 56–57, 88–91, 101–102.

  167. 167.

    Published by Yakovlev 1868, 11–33; Lenhof 2004, 51–55 and 2015, 280. On its manuscript tradition, cf. Kisterev 2012, 182–207 and 357–362.

  168. 168.

    Cf. Lenhoff 2015, 284–286. The Slavonic version of the Diegesis is preserved as at least forty-five various manuscripts (Lenhof 2015, 284).

  169. 169.

    Triod postnaya, тл–тла (330–331).

  170. 170.

    Velikiya Minei-Chetii, nojabr, dni 1–12, 271–272.

  171. 171.

    Stephen of Novgorod, 39; for the datation, cf. Majeska 1984, 17.

  172. 172.

    Stephen of Novgorod, 39.

  173. 173.

    Alexander the Clerk, 163; for the datation, cf. Majeska 1984, 156.

  174. 174.

    For this motif of the Russian attack in 860, cf. Symeon Magister and Logothetes (131.29, 245–247). In this regard, cf. Majeska 1984, 335, and Mango 1958, 76–88.

  175. 175.

    On various versions of this story cf. Klos 2001, 61–141. Also, Zhuchkova 1984. 97–109; Grebenyuk 1971, 185–206; Lenhoff 2004, 279–299; Lenhoff 2015, 39–64, and recently Lyapin 2016, 218–232.

  176. 176.

    Povest’ o Temir-Aksake (S), 109–110, 113. On these parallels, Lenhoff 2015, 289–290.

  177. 177.

    Povest’ o Temir-Aksake (S), 110. Cf. Lenhoff 2004, 43.

  178. 178.

    Povest’ o Temir-Aksake (N), 130; Lenhoff 2004, 47.

  179. 179.

    Lenhoff 2004, 43 and 2015, 280.

  180. 180.

    Grecu 1924, 288; Ciobanu 2005, 59–60, 92–93 and Grabar 1947, 93 (and comments: 89–101).

  181. 181.

    Ivan the Terrible (1581), 237. Cf. Erchak 2009, 169 and 504.

  182. 182.

    Mihail Moxa, 159–160. Cf. Ciobanu 2005, 44–45.

  183. 183.

    Text is published by Ciobanu 2005, 39–41.

  184. 184.

    Dzhanashvili 1900, 107; Akent’ev (2010, 130) dates this text to between 818 and 860 (more probably between 843 and 860); cf recently Schilling 2015, 272–300.

  185. 185.

    Osada Konstantinopolya, 8–61 (original and Russian translation). In 1976 Van Esbroeck (1976, 79–96) published a study including a French translation of part of the narration upon the basis of the text which was published by Dzhanashvili in 1900. However, this Belgian scholar overlooked the fact that Dzhanashvili had edited an incomplete text of this narration. Dzhanashvili published the full text only in 1912 (114–144), but only in Russian translation. Given that Van Esbroeck had no information about this publication, he filled in the missing part of the narration using the Cagevi manuscript from the sixteenth century (Van Esbroeck 1993, 531–536).

  186. 186.

    Dzhanashvili 1900, 9; Van Esbroeck 1976, 79, Akent’ev 2010, 159.

  187. 187.

    Akent’ev 2010, 128. 130 and 186 No. 309.

  188. 188.

    Cf. especially Akent’ev 2010, 186–191.

  189. 189.

    Van Esbroeck 1993, 525–536; Akent’ev 2010, 128–129.

  190. 190.

    Ps.-Sebeos, 38, 79.

  191. 191.

    Howard-Johnston 1999, 12; Thomson and Howard-Johnston 1999, 211.

  192. 192.

    Agapios, 458; Chronicon AD 1234, 98, 181–182; Michael the Syrian, 11.3, 408–409; Bar Hebraeus, 89. The core of the authenticity of this report was stressed by Van Dieten 1972, 21, and especially Mango 1985b, 107–109; Kaegi 2003, 149–153; Pourshariati 2008, 141–149. For a more sceptical view: Speck 1988, 144–152 and 292–297; Frendo 2000, 27–45; Howard-Johnston 2006, 12–14 and 2010a, 368–369. Cf. also a recent discussion by Conterno 2014, 6–7.

  193. 193.

    Cf. the chapter “Winners and Losers”.

  194. 194.

    Al-Tabari, 319; al-Zuhri, 108–110. Commentary by Frendo 2000, 31–32; Howard-Johnston 2006, 12–14; Pourshariati 2008, 141–149; and esp. Kaegi and Cobb 2008, 101–107.

  195. 195.

    Eutychios, 102–104.

  196. 196.

    Eutychios, 104.

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    Martin Hurbanič

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Hurbanič, M. (2019). The Memory of the Siege. In: The Avar Siege of Constantinople in 626. New Approaches to Byzantine History and Culture. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-16684-7_2

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